Up and to the office, where we sat all the morning, and Sir W. Pen and I had a word or two, where by opposing him in not being willing to excuse a mulct put upon the purser of the James, absent from duty, he says, by his business and order, he was mighty angry, and went out of the office like an asse discontented: At which I am never a whit sorry; I would not have [him] think that I dare not oppose him, where I see reason and cause for it.
Home to dinner, and then by coach abroad about several businesses to several places, among others to Westminster Hall, where, seeing Howlett’s daughter going out of the other end of the Hall, I followed her if I would to have offered talk to her and dallied with her a little, but I could not overtake her.
Then calling at Unthank’s for something of my wife’s not done, a pretty little gentlewoman, a lodger there, came out to tell me that it was not yet done, which though it vexed me yet I took opportunity of taking her by the hand with the boot, and so found matter to talk a little the longer to her, but I was ready to laugh at myself to see how my anger would not operate, my disappointment coming to me by such a messenger. Thence to Doctors’ Commons and there consulted Dr. Turner about some differences we have with the officers of the East India ships about goods brought by them without paying freight, which we demand of them.
So home to my office, and there late writing letters, and so home to supper and to bed, having got a scurvy cold by lying cold in my head the last night.
This day Captain Taylor brought me a piece of plate, a little small state dish, he expecting that I should get him some allowance for demorage of his ship “William,” kept long at Tangier, which I shall and may justly do.
To read this letter, click here:
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On Tuesday, Americans rejected the Trump administration. It turns out most people hated the idea of a strongman who ignored the Constitution, undermined democracy, and tried to rewrite America’s history in order to impose a white, Christian nationalist regime that enriched him and his cronies at the expense of everyone else.
Voters made their position very clear. A majority of more than 12 million demanded an end to corruption, an end to Trump’s war on Iran, an end to costly tariffs, and an end to the masked agents kidnapping Black and Brown people off the streets.
By a margin of more than 13%, they voted for a country based on the rule of law in which everyone is held accountable for their actions and no one can break the law with impunity. They voted for the system of checks and balances established by the Framers of the Constitution. They voted for policies that supported the American people, making it possible for them to afford food and housing and healthcare rather than continuing to funnel money to billionaires.
They voted for the multicultural country Trump and his loyalists mocked. They elected Democratic Black candidates Keisha Lance Bottoms to govern Georgia, David Crowley to govern Wisconsin, Aaron Ford to govern Nevada, and Stacey Plaskett to govern the U.S. Virgin Islands. They elected Byron Donalds, a Black Republican, to govern Florida.
Voters elected Michigan Democrat Abdul El-Sayed to be the nation’s first Muslim senator, and they reelected Representative Ilhan Omar, whom Trump has made a key target of his attacks, with an astonishing 76.5% of her district’s vote.
As Valerie Gonzalez, Mike Catalini, and Jonathan J. Cooper of the Associated Press reported, Hispanic voters shifted hard away from the Republican Party and swung back toward the Democrats in 2026, with 7 out of 10 Hispanic voters in Texas backing Democratic Senate candidate James Talarico. In a rejection of Trump’s attacks on immigrants, for the first time since 2008, Democrats won every House district that touches the U.S.-Mexico border, and voters have sent fourteen new Hispanic Democrats to Congress.
Black voters, especially in the American South, turned out in unusually high numbers, and they voted for Democrats at higher rates than they did in 2024. Emily Cochrane of the New York Times reported that about 80% of Black votes in congressional races across the country were for Democratic candidates.
The message was unmistakable.
Since his 2024 reelection, Trump and his allies have repeatedly insisted that his victory of about 2.3 million voters over Democratic candidate Vice President Kamala Harris, earning him less than 50% of the vote, was a “mandate.” Compared to the margin of more than 12 million voters delivered on Tuesday, it was a fizzle. The Economist noted that Tuesday’s Democratic victory was “the biggest congressional landslide in 50 years.” Recognizing the direction of the tide, since the election, panicked Republicans have called for regrouping, ending the war on Iran, and addressing affordability.
Trump initially appeared dazed by the rebuke, but today he woke up and threw their rejection of his agenda back in Americans’ teeth.
Ousting his chief of staff, Susie Wiles, Trump replaced her with the architect of some of his administration’s most extreme policies: Stephen Miller.
Miller is a fervent white nationalist who appears to believe in the racist “great replacement theory,” the idea that Black and Brown immigrants to Europe and the United States are destroying “Western culture.”
Miller’s elevation to chief of staff doesn’t necessarily change much; he already was a powerful force in the White House. Miller drove the “Muslim ban” in Trump’s first term and, in his second, the administration’s arrest, incarceration, and deportation plans for undocumented immigrants. His push for masked agents to arrest 3,000 people a day led to the murders of U.S. citizens Renee Good and Alex Pretti, as well as the shooting deaths of immigrants and their mistreatment and deaths in concentration camps.
Miller has been a key proponent of Trump’s seizing power through emergency declarations that he uses to ignore the law. Frustrated by opposition to his plan to hurt Black and Brown people, Miller pushed for Trump to crush the opposition by invoking the Insurrection Act.
And Miller was central to the administration’s undermining of disability rights. Mike Hixenbaugh of NBC News reported that after Trump complained about seeing homeless encampments in Washington, D.C., Miller argued for a plan to make it easier to round up mentally ill homeless people and institutionalize them. Making that happen required abandoning enforcement of the 1999 Supreme Court decision Olmstead v. L.C., which established that disabled Americans have a right to live in their communities rather than being forced into institutions.
The Department of Justice went along with Miller’s plan and issued a memo saying that it would no longer enforce Olmstead. While the initial targets were unhoused people, Hixenbaugh notes, the administration quickly backed away from at least five disability rights cases designed to keep physically or mentally disabled children and adults out of institutions. Hixenbaugh points out that the administration’s refusal to enforce Olmstead is sending a message to the states that, with the dramatic cuts to Medicaid in the Republicans’ so-called “One Big Beautiful Bill Act,” they should “feel free to cut services that help disabled people remain at home,” forcing them into institutions.
As Phillips P. O’Brien wrote in Phillip’s Newsletter, Miller also supports Russia’s version of its war on Ukraine and has taken a strong and public stand against the embattled U.S. ally. O’Brien notes that Trump’s elevation of Miller now illustrates the president’s determination to get whatever he can for Russia’s president Vladimir Putin before the new Congress starts investigations and puts up roadblocks.
So, rather than moderating his behavior after voters’ dramatic rebuke, Trump is demonstrating by elevating Miller that he is hardening his position. He is surrounding himself with the most extreme of his advisors: Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, whom he has supported in the face of calls for his impeachment; Natalie Harp, the smiling aide who appears glued to his side; and Russell Vought, the director of the Office of Management and Budget and a key author of Project 2025, who Trump boasted before the election would soon “be one of the very important people in the history of our country, in my opinion.” He noted: “We have some big surprises coming up in another few weeks, right, Russ?”
Trump’s elevation of Miller was a deliberate declaration that he doesn’t care what the American people want. Representative LaMonica McIver (D-NJ), whom the administration has targeted because of her attempt to conduct oversight of a detention facility, was clear: “Stephen Miller is a white supremacist,” she said in a statement. “By promoting the person responsible for ICE detaining our neighbors and killing people in the streets, Donald Trump is doubling down on the cruelty and corruption that have defined his administration. The president is panicked after losing power in Congress and this is a signal about what he will prioritize in the final stretch of his presidency: grievance and cruelty.”
Senate minority leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY) posted: “Donald Trump learned nothing from his historic defeat. Stephen Miller is the architect of the most barbaric, inhumane policies of this administration. Trump couldn’t have made a worse choice. Our Democratic majorities will fight him every step of the way.”
House minority leader Hakeem Jeffries posted: “Stephen Miller is a dangerous xenophobe and reckless extremist who has American blood on his hands. His presence in government should be eradicated like a malignant tumor. Fire him today.”
But Trump’s embrace of Miller was not aimed at Democrats alone. It is a shot across the bow of Republicans who might want to jump ship. When Meredith Lee Hill of Politico told one House Republican that Trump had tapped Miller to be his chief of staff, the lawmaker replied: “Please tell me you’re lying to me right now, just to get a reaction.”
Trump is making it clear to Republicans that he intends to force the party to stay behind an even more extreme version of MAGA than the one voters rejected Tuesday, incinerating their hopes for 2028. Alex Isenstadt of Axios reported today that Trump has told advisors that he intends to keep raising money so he can continue to wield power over Republican candidates in 2028.
And in a sign that MAGA leaders are determined to keep Republicans in line, Philip Wegmann of the Wall Street Journal reported yesterday that the White House sent a memo to more than 3,000 Republican-oriented groups, warning them: “As always, we are monitoring statements, press releases, and media engagements from your organizations.”
It all feels very desperate.
Tonight Trump appeared in a campaign hat at a NASA event at which he rambled from topic to topic, slurring his words and sounding tired. He said he had declared all of space “open for American settlement, American civilization, and American freedom.” He said that “[w]ithin two years, NASA will launch the first ever nuclear powered spacecraft to Mars,” before veering off to talk about his uncle, who was a professor at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). Trump promised that “before the end of my term, the United States will return American astronauts to the surface of the Moon. So exciting. And soon thereafter the United States will establish a permanent presence on lunar soil.”
To a silent audience, Trump said: “By the way, I was not on the ballot, just in case you had any questions. Because if we were on the ballot we would’ve won.”
—
Notes:
https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/latino-voters-propel-democrats-to-big-wins-with-leftward-swing
https://abcnews.com/Politics/black-candidates-make-history-party-lines-250-years/story?id=137851377
https://www.newsweek.com/ilhan-omar-biggest-election-win-in-8-years-ice-raid-12662658
https://www.nytimes.com/2026/11/05/us/politics/black-voters-south-democratic-wins.html
https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/statistics/elections/2024
https://www.cnn.com/2026/11/06/politics/stephen-miller-trump-susie-wiles
https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2019/nov/14/stephen-miller-leaked-emails-white-nationalism-trump
https://www.politico.com/story/2019/02/17/miller-trump-national-emergency-declaration-1173425
https://thehill.com/homenews/administration/5691618-miller-accuses-minnesota-officials-insurgency/
https://www.nytimes.com/2026/06/15/us/politics/trump-scharf-habeas-corpus-insurrection-act.html
https://www.commondreams.org/news/vance-insurrection-act-minnesota
https://www.thedailybeast.com/stephen-miller-leading-the-charge-on-sinister-martial-law-moves
https://thehill.com/homenews/administration/6139293-trump-diesel-omb-russell-vought-announcements/
https://us9.campaign-archive.com/?e=aafa2008f6&u=6dc3f0da431d5e32ec0a3c8e4&id=34ca400d38
https://www.politico.com/news/2026/11/06/gop-reckoning-trump-midterms-stephen-miller-01154760
https://www.axios.com/2026/11/06/scoop-trump-to-keep-fundraising-hoping-to-retain-political-muscle
Trump’s Truth:
X:
JuddLegum/status/2118833458680058248
SenSchumer/status/2118791130695258315
RepJeffries/status/2118795008379908136
Bluesky:
mikehixenbaugh.com/post/3mwvcfxzrec26
mikehixenbaugh.com/post/3mzoehzuc5k2o
lincolnproject.us/post/3mzo4lphjaf2k
reichlinmelnick.bsky.social/post/3mzosvgti522u
atrupar.com/post/3mzojslpba52b
Links for you. Science:
1,600 Years Ago, This Man Traveled Across Europe. So Did His Rare Strain of Leprosy
A ‘tidal wave’ of severe eye disease is looming. It starts with childhood nearsightedness
What Happens When You Shine Three Lights on Sunflowers? The Plants Surprisingly Grow Toward the Dimmest One
US deep-sea mining claims in Pacific’s high seas now rival the area set aside by international regulator
New York reports first measles death in more than 30 years
Hidden ecological risk from overlooked invasive crayfish species
Brahminy Blind Snake
Other:
Maybe Telling Americans They’re Useless Eaters Who Must Perish for the Glorious AI Revolution Was a Bad Idea: Midterm Thoughts
“MAGA Needs To Be Dead”: Dade Phelan on the Republican Wipeout
The Epstein Election and the End of MAGA: The issue once motivated Trump voters. This week, it helped doom Republicans. (seeing Republicans dinged by their own lunacy is delicious)
Trump Has Been Thumped. That Doesn’t Make Him Any Less Dangerous.
Not In My Wildest Dreams Did I See A Texas This Blue
Lame Duck Soup: With Democrats in control of Congress, Washington is bracing for Trump to focus on wild, legacy-defining foreign policy swings—anything from regime change in Cuba to expanding the Abraham Accords to reengaging with Kim Jong Un—as he contemplates the end of his presidential era
J Street: 2026 National Election Survey of Jewish Voters
Tech Stocks Had a Terrible Day. What’s Coming Could Be Worse.
We Stomped All Over the Patriarchy on Tuesday Night
Elon Musk’s Very Bad Night
Trump May Come to Regret His Rush Job on the Arch and Ballroom
How WeRateDogs Is Fighting A.I. Slop, One Perfect Puppy at a Time
RIP Cybertruck. You Were Unloved, Unwanted, and Utterly Absurd
Democrats Won a Big Race in Montana. Why Do They Have Regrets?
One Subplot To The GOP’s Midterm Debacle Was A Repudiation Of The MAHA Movement
D.C. Officials Hope the Blue Wave Will End the National Guard Deployment
Overturning Euclid: Three judicial pathways for challenging the case
Parents and Teachers Provide ‘Disturbing’ Testimony on D.C. Special Education
Can You Afford to Watch TV?
The Results Are In: Voters Hate Data Centers
Attorney General-elect Nathan Johnson says he won’t sue out-of-state doctors who mail abortion pills to Texas
Trump’s Vaunted Multiracial Coalition Is Dead
Elon Musk will face scrutiny from Democrats after midterms
Laura Loomer Goes on “Hiatus” After Bombshell Revelation on Paid Posts
New York Times taps conservative crackpot as voice of GOP reason
Turnout among Black voters surged in the Deep South. Black voters made up a larger share of the electorate than in 2024, helping to (maybe) flip a Senate seat in Mississippi
Donald Trump should resign. Congress should demand it
Everybody Moves Leftward
The Obvious Truth of the Midterm Obliteration
The Ugly Car That Sucks Has Died

Yesterday, I wrote about JD Vance’s push to make the 2026 midterm a referendum solely about the Iran War. Things were going great, he claims, substantively and politically, until the Iran War brought everything crashing down. We’re seeing that a number of Democrats, albeit for different reasons, want to push this line too. Yesterday Eric Levitz at Vox interviewed data guy David Shor who said something similar. If you’re not familiar with him, Shor’s in the group who argue that Democrats need to jettison hot-button social and cultural issues that make them unviable with big parts of the electorate — immigration, gender and sexuality, guns, policing, etc. This is one of these claims that is demonstrably accurate to a significant degree in electoral terms, but more complicated when it comes down to applying it to the practicalities, commitments and mutabilities of the actual world. In this case it leaves him wanting to place overwhelming emphasis on the Iran War since Democrats put up the biggest midterm landslide in half a century and mostly didn’t avoid hot-button issues, or at least not as much as people with this viewpoint said was required, for most of the 2026 campaign.
Here’s the discussion of this issue …
If you look at Trump approval — both from 2016 to 2020 and then from 2024 until the end of 2025 — it was really quite stable. Obviously, it was highest at the beginning of his terms and went down after a month or two. But then for most of Trump’s first term, he was hovering around the mid-40s in our data and it really barely moved in response to events. And it was much the same for the first year of Trump’s second term. Which was worrisome: Trump had all of these scandals, but at the end of the day, the line didn’t move. A good day would be like, “Oh, Trump approval is down three-tenths of a percentage point — amazing!”
So, a lot of people became very nihilistic. They were like, “Oh, we really live in this world where nothing matters.”
But then, the Iran war happened. And there was a giant structural shift in public opinion. His approval rating on the cost of living plummeted. To put some numbers on this, the day before the Iran war, Donald Trump had a 49 percent approval rating on gas prices. Within a week, it was 33 percent.
Trump’s overall approval rating isn’t that much lower than in 2018. And his approval on immigration, healthcare, and a lot of other issues is pretty similar. The big change in our polling has been a giant decline in Trump’s approval on the economy.
One of the things I dislike most about the world of political commentary and try to avoid where I can is that people lock on to a global interpretation, make it their brand and then try to argue every piece of evidence in that light. I am certainly not arguing that the Iran War wasn’t a major, key driver of the GOP’s midterm cataclysm. It absolutely was. As I’ve been arguing, it was one of four big drivers. It was the most recent driver, and a critical part of the 2026 story is the way they increasingly catalyzed each other as Trump insisted on accelerating governing with a total disregard for public opinion. Corruption isn’t a separate issue from affordability. The price of gas and food cuts harder when the president clearly doesn’t care and spends his time raking in billions of corrupt dollars monetizing the presidency and building literal monuments to himself.
I should also note here that Shor is referring to his firm’s own internal panel (tracking the same people over time) polling which, I understand, generally shows a more stable picture as well as Trump being a few more points popular. But c’mon. Basically every other dataset we have shows a very different picture. Look at the chart I shared yesterday here. And we all lived through this story over the last two years! Donald Trump has been governing squarely against public opinion since the first weeks of his second term. Indeed, radically changing his approach to staffing his administration — filling it with toadies and true-believers rather than GOP establishment hands and CEOs — turned out in many ways to be his undoing, as I argued here.
I’ll say it again for the record: I don’t want to draw a monochromatic picture here. Democrats have shifted to some degree, though mostly as a matter of emphasis more than positions. And by 2022 and certainly by 2024 it’s questionable how much Democrats in any meaningful numbers were running on cutting police funding or mandatory pronouns in people’s email footers. Judged against a certain kind of politics, I agree with the general take Shor advances. You can’t be a majority party if you’re too closely or exclusively tied to the totems of blue big-city liberalism and the internal conversation of the left. As always, details and politics are complicated. You always need to have your eyes open to see when the ground is moving beneath your feet.
One example of that is interesting and noteworthy. One of the big takeaways from 2024 was that Democrats had over-interpreted Trump’s first term and embraced a “soft” immigration policy that most Americans rejected. Electorally there was real truth to this. And Democrats went into 2025 with strong voices from a lot of directions saying that it was a bad move to contest immigration policy with Trump at all. But what emerged over the course of 2025 was that while Trump was popular on border security (and still remains about break-even) his internal enforcement policies — ICE, mass deportation, blue city occupations — were very unpopular and kept getting more unpopular month by month. (For Iran War-centricity we should remember that Trump launched the war as — and to a real degree because — he was losing the public conversation about the Epstein Files and ICE terror campaigns.) The conflating bucket of “immigration” obscured this distinction and still does. Today, if you’re trying to devise an immigration policy to be in sync with public opinion, you would probably be hawkish on border security and ditch basically all of the ICE/mass deportation stuff. It’s an example more than anything that political/electoral questions are complicated, more complex than big theories often allow and that opinion itself is mutable.
I’m not cut out for Los Angeles.
It’s hard not to love the place, though. The weather is absurd. The people in LA, by and large, don’t believe in bad weather. It’s like a legend to them, like hearing about the Irish Potato Famine.
Angelenos are friendly and good looking. The food is good and varied. But you really do need to drive everywhere. Trips from any one part of the city to another invariably require time not just in a car but on a freeway. What is oft-described as LA’s sprawl, I would describe as a layout and geographic scale that is more like that of a small, densely populated nation than of a mere city. LA’s palpable vastness is incredible, in a wholly different sense than, say, Manhattan’s. I love to visit. I would never want to stay.
The greater San Francisco Bay Area, I don’t feel that way about. The weather there, too, is certainly nicer than back east, but it’s not implausibly nice. San Francisco is a walkable city and can punish you with its weather at certain times of the year. I’m not at all religious but I was raised in a Catholic family, and one way that’s stuck with me is that I innately believe we deserve some stretches of bad weather. That it’s good for us to suffer to some extent, like physical exercise and toiling at our jobs. That’s a stupid thing to believe, I know, but I believe it. We all believe some stupid things.
Los Angeles is an unusual place for Apple to hold a media event. They hold two big annual events on campus at Apple Park in Cupertino each year: WWDC in June, and the iPhone (and friends) event in September. Back in the old days, they held their major keynotes in San Francisco. I liked the old events in San Francisco better, if only because I enjoyed staying a few days in vibrant, gritty San Francisco better than the somnolent, sterile South Bay. But I think the events were more interesting too. Not better per se, but just more interesting. Less polished. More unique. Every inch of the Steve Jobs Theater was designed and crafted to host events like the annual iPhone introductions. It is an architectural marvel. But its perfection is off-putting. It somehow doesn’t quite feel realistic, even when you’re right there.
In its San Francisco events of yore, Apple experimented. The Macworld Expo and WWDC keynotes in Moscone North had an unavoidable sameness to them. But Apple held other events in other places in the 2010s, like the small Yerba Buena Theater across the street from Moscone, and the cavernous Bill Graham Civic Auditorium, which was built in 1915 and looks, feels, and smells like it. The room Apple used for its post-keynote hands-on area at Yerba Buena was always a little claustrophobic and very dark. This photo I took after the introduction of the original iPad in 2010 captures the feel of that room during those events.
A few years later, they held an event there in October 2013 and solved — or at least improved — the problem by knocking a hole in the wall to allow in some sunlight and fresh air. Here’s a picture from the hands-on area at that event, showing Tim Cook (Katie Cotton at his side, as ever) chatting with Ed Baig (then at USA Today, still on the beat today at AARP). You can see the open air over Cook’s shoulder.
After that event wound down, I grabbed lunch nearby, and then walked back through the plaza next to the theater. I don’t remember why. Best guess is that it was simply on the path back to my hotel. Apple already had a crew taking apart the entrance they’d added to the theater. Katie Cotton was outside, supervising. I stopped to chat. This was around 2:20pm, a little over four hours after the keynote and probably only 90 minutes after they’d politely escorted the last of us from the hands-on area inside. I didn’t write notes or record the chat, which would have been weird, but as best I recall, the conversation started with my saying something like “Man, you guys don’t waste any time, do you?” Cotton told me that while Apple loved the Yerba Buena venue, they were always bothered by the hands-on area being closed off and dark. I said that yes, it was previously a dank hellhole, and she laughed. She always seemed to genuinely enjoy my sarcasm. Apple, she explained, had inquired about options for opening that wall. Yerba Buena told them, sure, they could do whatever they wanted so long as they restored it after the event, but it would cost a small fortune. But to Apple the price was negligible, and they accepted the offer immediately and commenced with plans for how to do it.1 Cotton liked how it turned out, and I told her I agreed. It made for a noticeably nicer space.
My column about that October 2013 event began thus:
There is a certain sameness to almost every Apple event. A pattern, a formula, a structure, a rhythm and pacing. Does this make them boring? In some ways, certainly, insofar as the only thing we don’t know is what they’re going to say, as opposed to how they’re going to say it. (And even then, we often have a pretty good idea what they’re going to announce, too.)
And I went on to quote from — and then disagree with — then-NYT tech columnist Nick Bilton’s griping that Apple’s keynotes lacked “wow” and had grown stale. (Bilton is now leading failson David Ellison’s team of dipshit weasels who are sinking 60 Minutes, the crown jewel of CBS News.)
Somehow, here we are 13 years later (alas, not all of us), and there are still complaints about the repetitive sameness of Apple’s events. Yet Apple’s events these days don’t resemble that event from 2013 at all. Change comes slowly but it always comes.
I enjoyed last week’s “Pro and Tell” event more than any in recent memory. I enjoyed the venue — both the unique building and the city. I enjoyed the format. But most of all I loved the subject: the Mac.
The building is best known as CBS Columbia Square, opened in 1937 as the West Coast headquarters for CBS. The color of the event was blue — matching the default wallpaper for the new MacBook Pros with PROLED XDR displays. Blue carpet covered the sidewalk leading into the entrance. After walking up the carpet, checking in outside, and donning my press lanyard, the magnetometer dinged me, and I was pulled aside and politely but brusquely asked to put my briefcase on the (carpeted) ground, and wait for a busy police dog to take a smell at it. I presume the dog was sniffing for weapons, not drugs, but either way my bag passed muster. Inside, just past the lobby, Apple had created a rather spacious theater, with a large screen and stage. There were blue padded bench seats along the outside walls, but the primary center area of the space was for standing. From the floor to the room’s high ceiling, the walls were blue.
Behind the theater was a large area with coffee, water, and small breakfast treats. Invited guests — primarily tech journalists and social media creators — mingled and sipped. I checked my laptop bag, and carried only my notebook and phone for the morning. Apple PR reps were, as ever, present but never overpresent. Conversation touched upon the expected but as yet unknown touch-enabled MacBook Pros. Word spread that Steven Levy, the undisputed dean of the Apple press corps, had landed an exclusive first look for Wired. (Levy, ever the pro, and a delightful raconteur, confirmed only that, yes, he had the exclusive, but he offered not a word regarding its content before his agreed-upon embargo. His wry smile, though, betrayed that he was happy with what Apple was about to unveil.) Much of the pre-event chatter, however, was dominated by discussion about the iPhone Duo. A rather remarkable number of attendees had Duos in hand — many of them still in the midst of reviewing it, but others professed to having already gone all-in on it. To each their own; there’s no accounting for taste.
Shortly before 10am, word spread that it was time to pack into the theater. I squeezed in close to the stage. Why not? Steve Jobs, I noted, never took the stage quite on time. He was seldom more than two or three minutes late, but he was always at least two or three minutes late. Rock stars don’t take the stage on time. Tim Cook, on the other hand, was never late. A minute early, sometimes; a minute late, never. You could set your watch to 10:00 by listening for his “Good morning!”
John Ternus took the stage at 10:00.
He spoke briefly. Just a few minutes recapping Apple’s week of announcements. The new OLED iPad Mini, the new M6 MacBook Pro, the updates to Creator Studio. He spoke naturally and comfortably, and seemingly extemporaneously. He looks like he smells like Apple Park. He’s a cool guy. And he knows that Tim Cook handed him a killer lineup of new products to introduce over his first two months as CEO. Every one of Apple’s major platforms is in a good-to-great place. His on-stage remarks culminated with the introduction of the truly new MacBook Pros: “That’s why we’re here today — to mark another huge moment for MacBook Pro, and for the Mac itself.” When Ternus then announced, a moment later, “And yes, for the very first time, we are bringing touch to the Mac”, the audience erupted in gasps and cheers — a reminder that for as much as many of us know before Apple makes these announcements, a lot of the people in attendance do not even know who Mark Gurman is. A lot of the people in the room were genuinely shocked and surprised.
Apple paid a lot of money to put a fantastically bright screen behind Ternus, and they used that screen to show this two-minute “If you give a Mac an OLED” intro video. The first mention of touchscreen support, in that video, comes a full third of the way in.
Ternus teased the return of the glowing back-of-the-display Apple logo in a tweet that morning. On stage he made it official: “The logo is back.” I love the way he phrased that. Not “the glowing logo is back”. Just “the logo is back” — like it might as well not have been there in the unilluminated years since 2016. Fuck yeah.
The show in the theater was short and sweet. We shuttled off to the hands-on area by 10:15, if not sooner. The format of the event — or “experience”, as Apple calls these — mirrored that of the MacBook Neo experience in New York back in March. Brief welcoming remarks from Ternus, a crisp short video presented to a standing room of invited media guests, and then, boom, a scramble off to an expansive hands-on area. Apple didn’t stream Ternus’s live-on-stage remarks to the world back in March, and they chose not to again last week. They should. These aren’t live keynote events, but they are live events. I’m glad I’ve gotten to see them in person, but I wish everyone could see them online. They are good. Good things should be shown. Apple is run by people. Seeing the company’s CEO live on stage is a rare glimpse behind the aluminum and glass facade.
One is an anomaly. Two is a pattern. The Neo event (err, experience) back in March was like no other. This “Pro and Tell” MacBook Pro event was a lot like the Neo one. The Neo one didn’t get a punny title though — just a simple “You’re Invited” on the email invitation (although the decoration of the Apple logo hinted at the Neo’s signature citrus colorway). The Columbia Square building in Los Angeles is large, but it’s nowhere near as spacious as the empty warehouse in Chelsea where Apple held the Neo event. There seemingly were more invitees at last week’s event in LA too. In New York back in March, there was room to mingle. I snapped this fun photo of Jason Snell chatting with Phil Schiller, Greg Joswiak, and then-still-SVP-of-hardware John Ternus. Even setting aside Ternus’s subsequent promotion to CEO and levelling up in celebrity, that chat couldn’t have happened in the hands-on area of this event. There were too many people and too little space.
In the scramble after leaving the theater area, Apple reps were gladly informing attendees that there were two separate hands-on areas, and that “the one in the back” might be less crowded. It wasn’t. Both areas were tightly packed. They were tight tube-like hallways, with black walls, good lighting, and Apple Store-like tables upon which were arrayed the new MacBook Pros. Silver and space black; 14- and 16-inch; nano-texture and glossy. Some of the tables featured Apple’s speed-bumped M6 MacBook Pros, the enclosures for which are nearly indistinguishable from the machines everyone really wanted to see — the PROLED XDR M5 Pro and M5 Max models. I saw several attendees poking and sliding their fingers on the screens of those M6 models, to no avail, until someone gently told them “These are just the other new MacBook Pros.”
Packed shoulder-to-shoulder in a confined space with low ceilings, jostling for hands-on time with the PROLED XDR models, the temperatures — both atmospheric and emotional — got uncomfortably warm. It also became clear that some of the attendees chose not to shower that morning. The scene brought to mind the pungent imagery of the “coach” cars in Bong Joon-ho’s Snowpiercer.
The Steve Jobs Theater, this was not.
But that’s not a complaint. This was different and different is good. It was a unique event in a unique venue. That’s good for Apple and good for those of us with the fortune to be invited to attend these things. Events at Steve Jobs Theater are held the SJT way. Apple adjusts and tweaks them, but the space defines them. An altogether new venue, whose ground floor Apple seemingly built out from scratch for this event, requires thinking about everything. And Apple’s thoughts are revealing. What I took away from the hands-on at this event is that Apple wanted us to get close to these MacBooks. To really look at them and appreciate them. No, they’re not radically different. They’re subtly different. But subtly different in very significant ways. That’s not exciting but it’s correct. The old MacBook Pros (including the new M6 model) were, by far, the best professional laptops ever made. The new ones are just better.
I like the hands-on scrums. There’s an energy to them you can use to gauge interest. When the products are genuinely exciting there’s a buzz that can’t be faked. People were fucking excited by these new MacBook Pros, and rightly so. These are the machines many of the people in attendance use themselves for their own work — our own work — all day, every day. The new tandem OLED displays are quite literally brilliant. You can see the difference even when they’re not side-by-side with the old mini-LEDs. When they are side-by-side, the old displays look washed. The new ones look wow.
And the “hands-on” aspect came into literal play two ways. First, yes, you can tap, swipe, and pinch the displays. Some people cared about that. A lot of others in the room, including yours truly, not so much. But even those of us who were ambivalent, at best, about touch coming to the Mac had reason to rejoice upon seeing Apple’s implementation: Apple added touchscreen support to MacOS the right way. Touch is decidedly secondary on MacOS. The density of the UI doesn’t change at all when you’re using a mouse pointer, and it only changes slightly to create larger tap targets when you touch the screen. This is the way. I would have bet that Apple would do it this way, but every bet is uncertain. And though the likelihood was low the stakes were high — a completely touch-first reimagining of the MacOS user interface would have been a devastating blow to an irreplaceable platform.
Second, the weight reduction Apple was able to achieve with these machines is astonishing. The 14-inch models weigh a full half pound less. The 16-inch models weigh 0.7 pounds less. Almost three-quarters of a pound! I saw numerous attendees picking up the hands-on demo machines to compare them to the personal MacBook Pros they were lugging around the event in their backpacks. Eureka after eureka. These are massive reductions in weight without — claims Apple — any decrease in sustained performance or battery life.
Next up, for some of us, were product briefings. I saw a disassembled PROLED XDR display panel. Five layers (I think?), each of them impossibly thin. A friend who was in another briefing group said the front panel cover glass shattered in the hands of one writer when it was passed around for examination. In my group — which might have been after that one — we didn’t get to touch anything.
Putting OLED into a laptop doesn’t magically make it good. Apple had a side-by-side comparison with a Lenovo Yoga 9 Whatever with an OLED display. The colors on that display were slightly greenish when viewed head-on, and garishly green when viewed off-angle. The colors on Apple’s PROLED XDR look remarkably good from any angle. Most surprising to me was Windows 11’s bizarrely clunky support for HDR images. When you open an HDR image, it displays as SDR, then you wait like 5–10 seconds for the display to “warm up” and only then does it show it in HDR — and when it does, the colors look bad. Getting a brief taste of “modern” Windows feels like visiting Cuba or something.
In the not-for-attribution Q&A after the briefing, I asked about the fact that the original glowing Apple logo in MacBooks — and PowerBooks — was a byproduct of the fact that the displays were backlit. There was a bright light sealed up inside the back of those display panels, and someone at Apple had the idea that if they just cut out the Apple logo on the back and fit it with translucent plastic, it would glow. Steve Jobs loved the idea and the rest is history. Every Mac laptop from 1999 through 2016 had a logo that glowed. Photos like this one from 2007 are iconic.
But OLED doesn’t use a backlight. Each pixel lights up on its own, which is how OLED’s blacks are so utterly black, and how light bleed is so drastically reduced. So if there’s no backlight, does that mean the new glowing logo has a light source of its own? Yes, was the answer. Apple engineered a custom light source just to enable the logo to glow once again, without adding any additional thickness to the lid. Someone else in my briefing group asked why Apple would bother doing that. “Because it’s awesome,” was the answer, which I’m quoting exactly and fully. That was the entire answer. Because it’s awesome.
If you work in a dark environment where the glowing logo might prove a distraction, or if you’ve had your sense of fun surgically removed, you can disable the light. The light-up logo was a particular source of joy for Apple executives and product managers, including the fact that they managed to keep it entirely secret. One difference between this new glowing logo and the old ones from 1999–2016 is that when the light is turned off on this one, it just looks like the highly polished Apple logos from MacBooks since 2016. It doesn’t look, at all, like a light that is turned off. Thus, Apple was able to keep it from leaking by not enabling the illumination in the builds of MacOS that were used by employees who were testing preproduction models inside the company.
Pure awesomeness. Fun for the sake of fun on the back. The best laptop display in the industry — by a longshot — on the front. How utterly Mac-like.
In the late afternoon came the “Pro Workflow Showcase”, on the third and fourth floors of the building. (The second floor held a cafe and an outdoor terrace with a separate coffee bar. There was an entire other cafe downstairs on the first floor. The coffee, as usual, was pretty good, and the small plates tasty and fresh.) This showcase featured half a dozen demonstrations from creative professionals using the Mac in innovative ways to pursue their various crafts. Impressive demos from obviously talented artists, one and all.
U.K. filmmaking brothers Will and Ed Reid (a.k.a. “The Reids”) showed off their “4D Gaussian splatting” workflow, which allows them to capture immersive 3D scenes using a synchronized array of nine iPhones used as cameras. Portrait photographer Jeremy Cowart, from Nashville, demonstrated his crazily customized studio workflow, which allows him to capture and process hundreds of still photos per minute, with the background behind the subject shifting with each frame. Record producer Fab Dupont, who has worked with musicians ranging from Bad Bunny to David Crosby, mixed music live in Logic Pro. (Dupont was particularly fond of the touchscreen on the new MacBook Pros, which he repeatedly stated he expected to ignore.) From the fashion world, the wife and husband duo of designers Susan Fang and Orelio de Jonghe showed off an array of intricate 3D-printed clothing, gowns, and accessories. I found a new pair of eyeglass frames that, I’m told, suit my face. (Photo credit: Austin Mann.) And then, most delightfully and surprisingly, there was a two-section demo area from Japanese experimental botanist and “haute couture” florist Azuma Makoto. Azuma was the subject of Flower Punk, a documentary short by Alison Klayman for The New Yorker back in 2020 — which, now that I’ve seen his work up close in person, is high atop my to-watch list. Azuma uses the Mac in multiple ways. First, to design elaborate, beautiful botanical sculptures. Second, to design and engineer intricate contraptions and machines — research equipment — that allow him and his team to optimize and control the blooming of picked flowers. Third, to control that equipment in operation. The machines are as beautiful as the flowers. I commented on the mechanical switches. They beg to be flipped just to feel them click. After hearing my brief question translated into Japanese, Azuma’s partner Shiinoki Shunsuke answered at length, with great enthusiasm. They’re often asked, he said, why they design their custom equipment with analog controls, rather than control them entirely through software. They feel that the physical nature of the plants inside the machines demands physical controls to manipulate their environment. It’s like touching the flowers without touching them. A beautiful description of hauntingly beautiful works at the intersection of technology, biology, and art. It’s like Doc Brown from Back to the Future meets Martha Stewart.
Oh, and there was one other demo station. It was from a small filmmaking outfit named Industrial Light and Magic, and the primary demo was helmed by John Knoll. Knoll co-created an image editor for the Mac in 1987 with his brother Thomas, and has pushed the cutting edge of VFX across five decades at ILM. Both the image editor and the movies he’s worked on have achieved a fair degree of renown and success. When I saw him, I was nearly dumbfounded. It was all I could do not to walk up to him and say what my mind was screaming: “You’re John Fucking Knoll.” John Fucking Knoll, doing demos on the third floor. Holy shit.
Knoll brought with him an elaborate rig from ILM. A spaceship model from Star Wars: Skeleton Crew. A real physical model. Behind the ship was a very large curved LED screen — a smaller version of the cavernous “Volume” 75-foot chamber that ILM first used for The Mandalorian in 2019. A miniature Volume for miniature models. In front of the ship was an iPhone camera with a large lens mounted on a track. In front of the track stood Knoll, controlling the whole apparatus from a MacBook Pro (with logo aglow, natch). Knoll built this motion-tracking camera control system in his garage and wrote the firmware himself. Of course. He’s John Fucking Knoll. And he showed us how they use this system to shoot a practical spaceship model flying through hyperspace that is being rendered, live, on the curved LED behind the model. It’s all just captured in camera. The secret is genlock, which syncs the video rendered on the LED in front of the camera with the video being captured on the camera — synchronized precisely not merely to the millisecond but to the microsecond.
There are two questions I can remember being obsessed with as a child, that started me on the path to what ultimately became my career. The first was, “How did they make Star Wars?”2 Now here I was, seeing, just a little at least, exactly how they make Star Wars today — in arm’s reach of an actual goddamn ILM spaceship miniature. And a big part of the answer of how they make it today is, “With the Mac.”
By my count Apple held four major events this year. Two of them were the inviolable tentpoles of the annual Apple calendar: WWDC in June, and the iPhone event in September — both held, as usual, at Apple Park. WWDC is the all-encompassing software event for all of Apple’s platforms. The iPhone event is the iPhone event, with Apple Watch as the opening act.
Apple’s other two major events in 2026 were the no-event-title Neo introduction in New York in March, and last week’s “Pro and Tell” introduction for the new MacBook Pros in Los Angeles — both of them big, expensive productions, both held in big, expensive cities far from Cupertino.
Now consider Jason Snell’s Six Colors chart of Apple’s quarterly revenue by product line for the last five years, up through last week’s results for Q4 2026:
The green sliver represents the Mac’s share. Snell’s original chart is interactive — you can hover over it and get the specific breakdown for each quarter. The Mac’s share is consistently in the range of 7 to 9 percent for Q2, Q3, and Q4 each year. The iPhone is consistently around 50 percent in those quarters. In Q1 — the October/November/December holiday quarter — the iPhone jumps to around 60 percent, and the Mac drops to 5 or 6 percent. Year after year.
The Mac accounts for the high single digits of Apple’s revenue. High single digits, yes, but single digits. Yet two out of Apple’s four major events this year were focused entirely on the Mac. If you’re a pissant grump, you could argue that both of those events were wasteful, self-indulgent preening on Apple’s part. That the first one, for the MacBook Neo, was simply to announce a MacBook that cost $500 less than the previous entry point model, the MacBook Air. And the second one, last week in Los Angeles, was simply to announce MacBook Pros that cost $400 more than the previous ones, just to add touchscreen support that PC laptops have offered at lower prices for over a decade. All of this for a platform that doesn’t even account for 10 percent of the company’s revenue, with an operating system that ought to be put out to pasture.
What a miserably wrongheaded, ignorant, joyless take that would be.
These new MacBook Pros are worth showing off. What Mac users do and create on the platform is worth celebrating.
When I began closely following Apple, the Macintosh was Apple and Apple was the Macintosh. That hasn’t been true since the iPhone began its meteoric rise. Financially, Apple today is the iPhone, Services, and “everything else”.
But at the true center of Steve Jobs’s metaphorical intersection of Technology and the Liberal Arts, the Mac remains the heart and soul of everything Apple does, and responsible for so much of what users create with Apple’s products. We speak of people — both inside and outside the company — bleeding six colors. But the iPhone never had a six-color logo.
Apple has continuously adapted the Mac for changing times, changing technology, and a changing world, yet — for four decades — has kept it true to its original core. The Mac today is very recognizably the Mac to any user from any time in its illustrious history. Even touchscreen support, now, has been added the Macintosh way.
In 2010 I wrote “The Future of the Mac in an iOS World”. That piece has held up pretty well:
Here’s the short version of the “Mac is doomed” scenario: iOS is the future, Mac OS X is the past, and Apple, unlike most major tech companies, is strongly inclined to abandon the past in the name of the future.
You can’t really argue with that, can you? But the premise that the end is near for the Mac presupposes quite a bit about the near-term future of iOS. [...]
It’s the heaviness of the Mac that allows iOS to remain light.
When I say that iOS has no baggage, that’s not because there is no baggage. It’s because the Mac is there to carry it. Long term — say, ten years out — well, all good things must come to an end. But in the short term, Mac OS X has an essential role in an iOS world: serving as the platform for complex, resource-intensive tasks. The funny thing is, the best slogan to describe the Mac’s role is the same one it started with 25 years ago:
The computer for the rest of us.
I was only wrong then in fretting that the Mac might — perhaps — only have a decade or so yet ahead of it. Here we are now 16 years later and the Macintosh is more popular, more essential, more successful, and further ahead of its ostensible competition than ever in its 42-year history. Change comes slowly but it always comes.
The logo not only glows again. It might glow forever.
I am reminded of the delightful story of how Microsoft wound up with the rights to “Start Me Up” for the Windows 95 launch. The Rolling Stones had theretofore never licensed a song for use in a commercial. Mick Jagger had always handled such inquiries not by saying “no”, but instead by quoting astronomically high prices. Microsoft asked about “Start Me Up”, Jagger gave them a no-way-they’ll-say-yes price (supposedly $12 million) and Microsoft simply said, “Great, that’s a deal.” ↩︎

It now seems pretty clear that Scott Colom (pronounced c’l-O-m or like ‘cologne’ but with a final m instead of an n) is going to be the next senator from the state of Mississippi – not called yet but getting close. He would be the first Democrat elected from Mississippi since 1982 and the first Black senator since Blanche K. Bruce who served from 1875 to 1881. But one striking thing about the claims of victory from Sen. Cindy Hyde-Smith, which manage to be both aggressive and half-hearted, is that as far as I can tell she has yet to appear in public since election day. I’m not even sure she’s done any media call-ins. Her first Twitter comment was written in the third person, as though the staffer who wrote it couldn’t even bother to pretend it was Hyde-Smith writing it. This turns out to be a through-line continuing from the campaign itself.
We’re already wise to the way the building Blue Wave in 2026 exposed a number of Republican incumbents who simply weren’t ready for prime time as candidates but had gotten by pretty much unchallenged on Republican dominance of their states. Out-going Senator Roger Marshall is the poster-boy for this dynamic. But Marshall at least mobilized late and mounted a campaign – a really comically bad campaign but still a campaign. Reviewing the wreckage of Hyde-Smith’s apparent defeat it really seems like she was at best a part-time candidate and that really over-states her involvement in the election.
I feel like I should have been more hip to this. I was late to the Mississippi campaign but still earlier to it than the vast number of national reporters and commentators. I noticed that “Where’s Cindy” was one of Colom’s big campaign lines. But I figured this was the standard theme that underdogs often use against incumbents – trying to goad them into the debates and so forth. You’ve probably seen Colom’s now already legendary “Pick Another Protein” ad. But here’s another of my favorites that I found after I went down to Colom rabbit role a while back, an ad/video featuring Charles Latham, the mayor of Grenada, Mississippi …
As the man says, Where’s Cindy?
This must have been a pretty potent attack since she really barely seems to have run a campaign. She refused to debate Scott Colom. That’s pretty standard behavior for Republican incumbents in deep-Red states. But she also doesn’t seem to have held any townhalls. One of her few appearances was on stage at Trump’s late campaign rescue rally on October 26th. As a friend and TPM Reader pointed out to me, the “news” section on her campaign website was last updated with a flurry of updates on July 2nd. Her campaign Instagram account was last update two days later on July 4th. It’s hard to prove a negative. But I couldn’t find any evidence of any townhalls or campaign rallies during 2026 at all under that Trump rally in October. A local paper’s endorsement editorial of Colom seems to confirm this, saying that Hyde-Smith “refuses to debate her opponents, hasn’t held a town hall during her entire tenure as senator and ignores or rejects nearly all media requests for interviews.”
Hyde-Smith’s campaign spending seems to confirm a pretty low energy pace of operations. Her final Q3 FEC filing reports $798,097.07 spending from July 1st to September 30th. She began the period with $2,535,895.72 cash on hand and ended it with $2,425,284.63. It’s true that Mississippi, because of its size, low cost of living and lack of major ad media markets is likely one of the cheapest states in which to run a senate campaign. But these are still very anemic spending levels. (During the same period Colom spent $1,396,812.95 – not multiples more but upwards of twice the amount.)
In a way this is unsurprising. Until a couple weeks ago very few people thought a Democrat could win a senate seat in Mississippi even under the most favorable conditions. In 2018, Trump’s first midterm, the widely respected former congressman and cabinet secretary Mike Espy ran against Hyde-Smith and she beat him handily, 54-46. When she ran for a full term in 2020 she beat him again 54-44. But even with all this Hyde-Smith genuinely seems barely to have gone through the motions of running a campaign.
If you’re from Mississippi or are from out of state and special insights into the state I’d like to hear from you. As I said above, it’s hard to prove a number, or document what didn’t happen, especially months later. So I’m very curious to hear more color and details about what you saw of this campaign over recent months or more likely what you didn’t see. In advance of those comments and testimonials it really does seem like Hyde-Smith saw the Senate gig as a DC-only job was basically a lifetime appointment.
President Trump’s decision to replace Chief of Staff Susie Wiles (a rare beacon of competence if not good values) with Stephen Miller confirms the predictable Trump storyline. Always double down. For maybe 48 hours Trump seemed stunned and drifting. Now he’s coming to from the smelling salts of ambient chatter about his political legacy concluding in disgrace and failure. We can’t know the future. But this is why Democrats can have realistic hopes of a second strong election in a row in 2028. Trump is making the characteristic decision of force feeding the country what it just spit up. We know this about Trump: he reacts to being dominated, owned and mocked by casting around for ways to assert power and dominance. It’s as predictable with him as night follows day.

Welcome to the reading list, a weekly roundup of news and links related to buildings, infrastructure, and industrial technology. This week we look at Florida’s property tax rollback, projected PCB shortages, the end of Tesla’s Cybertruck, the lack of progress in carbon storage, and more. Roughly 2/3rds of the reading list is paywalled, so for full access become a paid subscriber.
Housekeeping items this week: I accidentally emailed out this week’s essay, How Do Building Codes Affect the Price of Housing, to paid members only instead of all subscribers. This has been fixed, and it’s available now for everyone. I think a couple people may have signed up for paid subscriptions specifically because of this — if this is you, let me know and I’ll issue you a refund.
From the annals of “the return of the property tax revolt”: this week Florida approved an amendment to exempt a larger portion of a person’s home from property tax. It’s estimated to reduce government revenues by nearly $5 billion in 2027-2028 alone. [HousingWire]
And from the annals of “frontier AI models are surprisingly capable at things you wouldn’t expect them to be”: AI models are apparently now pretty good at generating permit-quality construction documents. People have been making flavors of this claim for a while, but this is the first time I’ve seen it made from an actual architect. “Drawing upon my background as an architect, I tested 13 older and newly released AI models to measure their technical drawing abilities. I found that the strongest drafting model at the time of writing is Anthropic’s Claude Opus 5.5, released in September of 2026. With some skilled guidance, Opus 5.5 is capable of producing sophisticated drafting and permit-quality architectural drawing sets for simple buildings.” [Substack]
A new paper estimates that wildfire risk to US buildings could triple by 2060. “We reconstruct fire risk to structures from 1945-2023 and project its evolution through 2060 across the U.S. using high-resolution historical data on area burned, settlement patterns, and fire impacts. Under business-as-usual conditions with no adaptation, structural losses are projected to nearly triple nationwide, with 133,200–449,100 buildings expected to be damaged or destroyed by mid-century.” [Nature]
Opponents of a housing project being planned above a San Francisco Safeway are suing the project under a provision of the 1871 Civil Rights Act, originally passed to combat violence from the Ku Klux Klan. [HousingWire]
Chinese robot manufacturer Unitree’s factory operations remain (surprisingly?) manual. “At the end of 2025 all of Unitree’s machinery was worth about $1.7 million on its books, at a company that made almost 32,000 robots that year: some $50 of machinery per robot!” [X]
One of Intel’s fabs in Israel was shut down for 2 weeks after an explosion that killed two people, possibly due to a gas cylinder malfunction. [Tom’s Hardware]
Are printed circuit boards the next AI datacenter-induced component shortage? “We’ve seen huge demand/supply driven price rises in RAM, GPUs, SSDs, and more through 2026. Now that most basic and unglamorous electronics necessity, the PCB, looks set to join them. A news report published by Nikkei Asia quotes several leading PC and PCB industry managers, making it clear we are going to see PCB (and PCB subcomponent) shortages and price rises in the coming months.” [Tom’s Hardware]
BYD sold more electric vehicles in October than the entire US did the entire third quarter. [Electrek] And more than 50% of heavy trucks sold in China in September were EVs. [Electrek]
Blake Scholl, CEO of supersonic airliner startup Boom, says it’s now spending most of its resources working on the power-generating gas turbine for AI data centers, and once that’s been developed it will shift focus back to the airliner. [X] Related, if any of my readers work at Kalshi or Polymarket, I would love a prediction market for the Boom airliner.
Related, I liked this idea from Scholl: use AI to check for weird edge cases in aircraft flight control software. [X]
1. Simon Winchester, RIP (NYT).
2. Pork roll vs. Taylor Ham, a NJ map.
3. Those new service sector jobs, Bradford edition.
5. The costs of federal permitting.
6. The Thai doctor KC superstition (NYT).
7. Spanish-language interview with me. Y sobre el premio.
The post Saturday assorted links appeared first on Marginal REVOLUTION.
News story: “Scientists discover a bizarre Jurassic ‘squid’ unlike anything ever seen.”
Scientists have identified the “fattest” belemnite ever discovered, a bizarre, barrel-shaped squid relative that lived in Wyoming’s ancient seas 160 million years ago. The exceptionally rare fossils reveal a creature unlike anything previously known, potentially a predator of smaller squid-like animals and a surprising survivor of a supposedly vanished family.
As usual, you can also use this squid post to talk about the security stories in the news that I haven’t covered.
In the garage, there is a box that contains a great many boxed copies of these games. This includes all the documentation, media, and random toys they used to include when they released these games. I will not likely play any of these, but I am glad they exist. (p.s. I can’t imagine these would exist without the help of the robots)
Re-releases of Wing Commander, Ultima titles hit Steam and GOG · arstechnica.com
It's mostly bad news from EA lately, but preservation efforts are nice to see.Links for you. Science:
The Case for Impeaching RFK Jr. With Democrats about to take over the House and Senate, it’s time for the adults in the room to take action. (excellent; would add that the threat of impeachment makes it more likely Kennedy resigns)
These Newly Elected Lawmakers Know Something Trump Doesn’t: Science
‘Revenge of the nerds’: US midterms deliver a win for science – and a rebuke of Maha
US infant bleeding episodes jump as vitamin K refusals rise, two studies find (one paper here)
National Weather Service ordered to resume twice-daily weather balloon launches, “an important step”
Wisconsin reports its first measles death in decades, the third in the U.S. this week
Association of COVID-19 with neurodegenerative and neurological disorders in vaccinated and unvaccinated people
Other:
What’s missing from every story about Tuesday’s anti-Trump rout (excellent)
Everyone Everywhere Hated Meta’s New AI Training Terms. Now, They’re On Pause
Even Where MAGA Won, MAGA Lost
Iraq-style war vehicles to descend on DC as Hegseth escalates Trump’s crackdown: report
America Finally Has the Votes to End the Electoral College
Republicans Learn X Is the Echo Chamber
Trump broke the ‘Solid South’
The Deposed Queen Of Maine
Russell Brand found guilty of rape and sexual assault
Police arrest D.C. man National Guard said pointed ‘finger gun’ at them
Democrats’ Power in the Lame-Duck Session
Election Night’s Most Poignant Picture
Lords of the New Church (Committee)
Goodbye from Salon
Jon Ossoff Showed Democrats How to Channel Voters’ Anger About Corruption and Corporations
Weeks before rape conviction, Russell Brand was featured speaker for Maha group allied with RFK Jr
Democrat Who Suspended His Campaign 2 Months Ago Beats His GOP Opponent By 9 Points
Challenger McCool defeats incumbent Cotham to flip NC House seat (Cotham was a horrible person)
Cut Trump Loose. An airtight case for JD Vance and his party to consider.
Democrats Are Reviewing a Plan to Investigate Corporate America
Blue Wave Changed Who Governs. But Not Who Has Influence.
D.C. artists hope for a new era under Janeese Lewis George
America isn’t the only nation celebrating the blue tsunami
A Reckoning for Top Congressional Stock Traders
Pro-Trump media viewership tanks on election night
Hakeem Jeffries Is Bankrolled by the Most Controversial Tech Companies in Existence
D.C. evictions hit 12-year high as safety net shrinks and cost of living soars
Somebody Woke Hakeem
What if a barber took 1/10th the time but with the exact same quality?
Gut feel is I would pay 50% more and visit twice as often.
Robo-scissors at just below the speed of sound, you wouldn’t even sit down. Locations like photo booths, call it Snip Snap.
Cmon AI boffins get it done.
While I’m going on about AI:
It confounds me that "hill climbing" and "gradient descent" are both names of optimizing algos.
Is GOOD = UP a valid conceptual metaphor or not?? Make up your minds.
Atomic Kitten was an Orchestral Manoeuvres in the Dark psyop?? wtf
(The sub-generation that knows both of those bands is microscope. Hullo fellow xennials!)
Andy McCluskey:
In 1996, my band OMD released Walking on the Milky Way, which I thought was one of the best songs I’d ever written. But in the age of Britpop, we were perceived as an 80s synthpop band, past our sell-by date. Radio 2 wouldn’t play the song and Woolworths wouldn’t stock it. I thought: “I’m functioning with one arm tied behind my back.” So my friend Karl Bartos of Kraftwerk said: “Why don’t you create a girl band as a vehicle for your songs?”
– The Guardian, How we made Atomic Kitten’s Whole Again (2026)
Kraftwerk too!
This is such a petty UI detail but Apple should devote a whole macOS to making the Dock good.
Like, it’s already this colourful, resizeable, massively real-estate-occupying element.
Give it folders! Live activities! Glanceable dynamic tiles! Custom menus!
Anything to tidy up my menu bar. (Which is a mess.)
You know that the Dock team at Apple is either zero people and they’ve forgotten it exists, or 1000 people and it is totally dysfunctional.
Good poem:
The Tiger by Nael, Age 6.
The tiger
He destroyed his cage
Yes
YES
The tiger is out
Silkscreen, Jason Kottke’s classic pixel font from 1999, is still great. Only 5x5!
What if fast takeoff happens when you just step out for your hols, and when you get back after a week all your friends are 1,000 IQ and bristling with posthuman nanotech and you can never catch up because you’re always 2 doublings behind
hey matt we’re off to eat the sun wanna join
oh sorry dude forgot you haven’t figured out how to wire your mitochondria into vacuum energy yet
awks.
More posts tagged: scraps-from-the-scraps-file (4).
From the Archives–written by ChatGPT.
This ranking judges posts on reasoning, originality of framing, explanatory power, intellectual stimulation, timeliness, and how much they accomplish in their length. Originality includes an unusually illuminating application of an existing idea. Provocation earns credit when it exposes a real problem; unsupported certainty still counts against a post.
The selection draws on searches across Marginal Revolution’s downloaded archive of 40,326 posts, covering publication through October 20, 2026, and close reading of shortlisted candidates. It is an editorial ranking among the posts examined, not an exhaustive evaluation of every entry. There is no author or topic quota.
Timeliness matters when an economic argument clarifies a consequential decision while there is still time to act. The vaccine entries are assessed as contributions to the policy debates of 2020 and 2021.
May 4, 2020 · Read the original post
“We argue for a big program to invest in vaccine capacity before any vaccine is tested and approved.”
Apparently wasteful investment can be economically prudent when waiting is enormously expensive. Building production capacity for vaccine candidates that might fail buys the possibility of delivering a successful vaccine sooner. The relevant comparison is between the cost of unused capacity and the social cost of delay.
What makes it exceptional: The post combines the gap between private and social returns, investment under uncertainty, portfolio diversification, and contracts that reward speed. It proposes an institutional response rather than merely identifying a market failure. Its timing is integral to its achievement: the argument was made before the successful vaccines were known.
The proposal was collaborative work with Susan Athey, Michael Kremer, Christopher Snyder, and a larger team. The post translates that work into an accessible case for action, explaining how advance purchase commitments and support for capacity could complement one another.
Its numerical targets depend on assumptions about costs, success probabilities, and benefits. But the central insight is robust: minimizing expenditure on unsuccessful candidates is a different objective from minimizing the total cost of a pandemic. The combination of reasoning, urgency, and practical design earns it first place.
March 31, 2011 · Read the original post
“people are first choosing a mood or attitude, and then finding the disparate views which match to that mood”
In a few hundred words, Cowen gives a recognizable intellectual habit a memorable name: deciding to be an optimist, pessimist, or partisan, then assembling beliefs that sustain that identity.
The insight travels. Someone can believe technological progress is substantial while worrying about a particular environmental problem. Sympathy for disadvantaged people need not settle every explanation of their circumstances.
What makes it exceptional: It gives readers a tool they can keep using, including against themselves. Its value exceeds the particular examples. The danger is using the label to dismiss opponents without examining their arguments—but that is a reason to apply it carefully. Its brevity, memorability, and usefulness across subjects make it one of the strongest examples of the short economics blog post.
December 21, 2020 · Read the original post
“If the answer is yes then can you ethically deny this to someone else’s spouse?”
The preceding thought experiment asks whether someone awaiting a second vaccine dose would instead give it to their spouse as a first dose. In a few sentences, Tabarrok makes the opportunity cost of a scarce dose tangible: compare the additional protection from a second dose with the protection another person could receive from a first.
What makes it exceptional: It turns a technical allocation debate into a choice readers can understand immediately. The addendum about an older recipient and a much younger spouse recognizes that the comparison depends on individual risk, rather than treating all recipients as interchangeable.
The post also distinguishes delaying second doses during scarcity from abandoning them altogether. Expected future supplies matter to the decision.
The medical premises, including the strength and duration of first-dose protection, still required evidence. The thought experiment does not resolve those questions. Its achievement is to show why following a tested schedule for one recipient does not, by itself, settle how limited supplies should be allocated across a population.
February 26, 2021 · Read the original post
“Buying doses isn’t optimal because companies can just agree and put you to the back of the queue.”
Buying a place in a queue and expanding production capacity are different achievements. Tabarrok moves from the case for greater spending to the harder questions of what governments should purchase and how contracts should work.
What makes it exceptional: The post combines an assessment of the enormous social value of speed with concrete institutional design. Capacity subsidies, options to purchase output, and attention to input bottlenecks can matter more than announcing large orders. It also considers procurement auctions as a way to mobilize suppliers beyond a single government’s jurisdiction.
The argument draws on a collaborative Science paper with Camilo Castillo, Michael Kremer, Eric Budish, Susan Athey, and others. Its estimates of the value of additional capacity are model-dependent, but the post connects the policy recommendations to explicit calculations and a research framework.
Its lasting contribution is the distinction between securing supplies for one buyer and increasing the supplies available to everyone. That distinction makes it useful well beyond the immediate vaccine debate.
January 1, 2020 · Read the original post
“A strong state is distinct from a very large or tyrannical state.”
Cowen reorganizes a political argument around an overlooked distinction: the scope of government and its ability to perform its functions are different things. A government can regulate extensively while failing to build infrastructure, administer courts, or deliver public goods.
The productive question becomes: which state capabilities help sustain freedom, markets, and prosperity?
What makes it exceptional: It is an ambitious attempt to revise an intellectual tradition from within. Readers can reject parts of the manifesto and still find their questions changed by it.
It is one of the longer entries, and its partisan characterizations are less persuasive than its central distinction. But as a post that proposes an agenda rather than merely commenting on one, it deserves a high place.
July 20, 2015 · Read the original post
“Benefits are a product that workers buy from firms.”
Requiring fries and a drink with a burger does not establish that the customer receives a better deal. Tabarrok uses this memorable analogy to explain a central economic insight: mandated benefits are part of a compensation package, and workers may pay for them through lower wages.
What makes it exceptional: The post connects compensation, choice, and regulatory incidence without technical machinery. Readers can reconstruct the argument long after forgetting the details. It also poses a productive challenge: if workers value a benefit above its cost, what prevents employers from offering it voluntarily?
That question makes advocates explain the mechanism through which a mandate would improve matters. In a short space, the post shifts attention from the visible benefit to the full terms of the exchange.
The qualification is that absent benefits do not necessarily demonstrate that workers value them below cost. Insurance-market problems, information, contracting constraints, or externalities can complicate that inference. These limitations restrict the argument’s universality without erasing its achievement as a clear, stimulating explanation of a powerful economic benchmark.
May 12, 2023 · Read the original post
“The misunderstanding came from thinking that we need every user of fuel to find substitutes. Not at all!”
This is economics doing something that intuition often cannot: explaining how an economy can adjust even when individual producers face severe constraints.
Some users conserve, others change fuels, some goods are imported instead of manufactured domestically, and less valuable uses disappear. These adjustments release scarce resources for activities with fewer alternatives.
What makes it exceptional: The examples turn an abstract elasticity argument into an understanding of how an economy works. The post teaches readers to look for adjustments outside the institution or industry immediately in front of them.
The historical outcome does not isolate the contribution of prices from government action or other conditions. Its strongest achievement is the explanation of the mechanism.
May 31, 2019 · Read the original post
“to understand why costs in the stagnant sector are rising, we must look away from the stagnating sector and toward the progressive sector.”
A familiar question—why are some services becoming so expensive?—receives a surprising answer: partly because we have become much better at producing other things.
The string-quartet example makes opportunity cost concrete. Musicians’ time becomes more expensive as opportunities elsewhere improve, even when playing the music requires the same labor.
What makes it exceptional: It changes where the reader looks for an explanation. Rising relative prices do not automatically demonstrate deteriorating performance in the expensive sector.
Baumol’s insight is not original to the post; the achievement is its exposition and application. The mechanism also does not explain every observed price increase or guarantee affordability for every household.
June 9, 2020 · Read the original post
“But we can unbundle the police.”
The opening question makes an ordinary institutional arrangement suddenly seem contingent. Why should investigating violent crime, issuing traffic citations, assisting stranded motorists, and responding to social problems be bundled together?
This applies an economic instinct—separating tasks and matching them to appropriate institutions—to a debate often organized around supporting or opposing the police as a whole.
What makes it exceptional: It generates a concrete alternative in very little space. Readers need not accept every proposed reassignment to recognize that the bundle deserves examination.
The post underplays difficult cases involving dangerous stops and coordination between agencies. Those are substantial design questions, but the proposal creates a useful inquiry rather than requiring every detail to be solved before discussion begins.
April 19, 2024 · Read the original post
“Supply-side skeptics are right about the numbers, wrong about the meaning.”
A small numerical example shows how housing supply per person can increase while demand for separate households grows faster. The supposedly decisive statistic does not establish what its users think it establishes.
What makes it exceptional: It combines explanatory economy with relevance to a major public debate. There is almost no distance between reading the example and understanding the mistake.
It is also a model of effective blogging: identify a recurring objection, isolate the confusion, and resolve it with something readers can reproduce themselves.
The example defeats an inference; it does not establish the full empirical explanation of housing prices. The policy rhetoric extends beyond the demonstration.
January 5, 2021 · Read the original post
“A decision to stick with the status quo represents an implicit, non-transparent calculation of sorts, whether you admit it or not.”
Cowen demands that alternative policies face the same standard of evaluation. Identifying a risk in a proposed policy is insufficient when maintaining the existing policy also carries risks. Whereas Tabarrok’s first-dose thought experiment makes the allocation problem intuitive, this post asks decision-makers to make their comparisons explicit.
What makes it exceptional: It applies a general principle of economic reasoning to an urgent decision: uncertainty does not make inaction neutral. Possible objections must be weighed against the costs of the available alternatives, including the opportunity cost of retaining the established schedule.
The speculative account of experts’ motives is weaker than the central argument, and demanding numerical estimates cannot make poorly known quantities precise. Nevertheless, the call for transparent comparison is powerful. It asks proponents of the status quo to explain their trade-offs as clearly as proponents of change.
January 12, 2014 · Read the original post
“But it should lead to ‘devalue and downgrade,’ rather than ‘devalue and dismiss.’”
Finding a weakness in a model or argument can justify reducing its weight without making it worthless. Cowen also identifies the psychological attraction of dismissal: inconvenient evidence no longer constrains what one wants to believe.
What makes it exceptional: A specialized dispute about macroeconomic models yields a broadly useful intellectual discipline. Particularly sharp is the observation that intelligent people can become exceptionally accomplished at finding reasons to ignore inconvenient evidence.
The post can improve how readers evaluate everything else—including Marginal Revolution itself. It does not tell us how much weight a damaged argument deserves, and some objections are fatal. Its power lies in making readers notice a step they otherwise take too casually.
September 12, 2013 · Read the original post
“a random sample of deaths is not necessarily a random sample of people.”
Historical suppression of left-handedness can make older generations appear disproportionately right-handed. Sampling deaths then produces a misleading apparent mortality difference.
What makes it exceptional: It has the structure of a good intellectual detective story: a startling finding, a plausible initial explanation, and a hidden feature of the data that changes the interpretation. It teaches readers how an apparently persuasive statistic can fail, rather than merely telling them to distrust statistics.
The Harry Potter comparison, credited to Chris McManus, makes the lesson memorable. Younger deceased people are more likely to have read the books; that does not make the books lethal. Statistical rigor and excellent blogging reinforce each other.
December 11, 2020 · Read the original post
“The slow ramp up doesn’t change the number of deaths caused by delay it just spreads them out over different days.”
The important move is to compare entire rollout paths. A delayed start can postpone benefits throughout the process; the cost is not limited to what could have been accomplished on the first day. A gradual rollout does not, by itself, make a delay at the beginning inconsequential.
What makes it exceptional: The combination of urgency, a simple model, and visual explanation makes an otherwise easily missed opportunity cost understandable. It directs attention to the full consequences of a decision across time.
The exact result depends on the simplified model. Actual consequences depend on supply constraints, epidemic conditions, protection, and whether earlier authorization would advance delivery. The post’s enduring achievement is the comparison it teaches, not a precise empirical death count attributable to the FDA.
March 16, 2009 · Read the original post
“market prices may have given people hints about the optimal solution”
The post explores an unexpected possibility: markets might help reward discovery while also supplying information that assists discovery. An experiment involving a combinatorial puzzle makes the mechanism tangible.
What makes it exceptional: It opens a design space. The reader moves beyond asking how strong patents should be and starts asking what other institutions could reward innovation and combine dispersed knowledge.
Tabarrok distinguishes competing explanations of the experimental result and identifies practical limitations. It combines imagination with restraint: an attractive institutional possibility presented without pretending that one experiment establishes a universal solution or a replacement for all patents.
The post What are the Best MR Posts? appeared first on Marginal REVOLUTION.
Anthropic’s version is rather more elaborate. Each of its seven co-founders will maintain a confidential, ranked list of up to ten people who may eventually inherit that founder’s membership and voting role inside a special Founder LLC. Five of the other six co-founders must approve the list. The first eight candidates on the list must clear detailed eligibility requirements. Numbers nine and ten do not, although the other founders must still approve them. I particularly like #9 and #10; they remind me of the break glass in emergency signs.
The elaborate planning protocol begins to make sense when we understand what is being passed on. The people on these lists are not prospective CEOs. They inherit something stranger: a founder’s seat in the mechanism that controls the company’s direction. And that changes the succession question entirely.
Here is more from Rajesh Achanta.
The post The Anthropic succession plan? appeared first on Marginal REVOLUTION.
The products aren't good enough to sell people on the costs.
You cannot tell people that you have to listen to the whine of a data center in their backyard for AI overviews and some of the most hilarious deep fake slop in history.
It's not worth it. It just isn't worth it to anyone. And agents aren't real and they might not be being used the way that anyone wants them to yet. All these companies are spending more than they're making on these products. Refrigerators holding blood storage in Europe are being hacked.
The costs are too high. The benefits are not real. And if you connect that to corruption, you're like, in order to impose these costs on me, these CEOs are in the White House shaking Trump's hand, renaming it to the Gulf of America, paying for this ballroom that we don't want. It's obvious crypto-corruption, and it's still slop.
The AI industry will not get out of it until they make better products. Until everyone can see without needing to be convinced, without needing an ad campaign, without any of this stuff that just using these products makes your life better.
— Nilay Patel, The Vergecast: Big Tech lost big in the 2026 election
Tags: nilay-patel, slop, ai, generative-ai, ai-ethics
There are optimistic plans for spaceflight, and then there are optimistic plans.
AST SpaceMobile is a Texas-based, publicly traded company building very large satellites to provide direct-to-cell communications on Earth. But it has been having trouble finding rides to space. So on Friday, AST announced that it is developing a medium-lift rocket, named Blacklift, which will have the capacity to lift 20 metric tons to low-Earth orbit. Oh, and the company said it would start launching commercially in late 2028.
"The Blacklift rocket is the springboard to significantly expand our total addressable market, providing AST SpaceMobile with regular unconstrained access to orbit and providing for most favorable owner's economics in the industry," said Abel Avellan, founder, chairman, and CEO of AST SpaceMobile, in a news release.
One reads and hears so many times that Iran was on the path to democracy until a CIA coup installed the Shah in 1953. It turns out that account is quite wrong, as is detailed by Simon Sebag Montefiore:
As his support in the Majlis ebbed, Mosaddegh demanded autocratic powers. Both the shah and Majlis refused. On 16 July 1952, Mosaddegh resigned and the shah appointed the ‘Old Fox’ Qavam…On 21 July, five days later [after a shooting], the mobs forced Mosaddegh’s reinstatement.
…Mosaddegh had not been able to resist the temptation of supreme power. His attempt to undermine the monarchy by getting control of the army and to declaw the army by purging officers and making budget cuts had offended supporters of both. The demeaning of the monarchy, secular policies and prosecution of Fadayan assassins had offended the clergy. His moves to bypass the democratically elected parliament by taking plenary powers outraged liberals and democrats. Alienating all of them, Mosaddegh quickly lost control, languishing, pyjama-clad and close to nervous breakdown, in his residence.
…When the police chief was assassinated, Mosaddegh ordered mass arrests that led to Malija members flooring a vote of no conffidence. The once idealistic premier, resorting to authoritarian measures, called a faked plebiscite [with no secret ballot the results were 2 million yes, 1,207 no] to dismiss parliament and huge demonstrations to support him by the communists.
So it was one bad guy succeeding another. Montefiore also argues that what brought down Mossadegh was a second Iranian coup, not the initial coup attempt organized by the CIA.
That is all from the new and excellent The Cauldron: The Making of the Modern Middle East.
The post Was Mossadegh a liberal, democratizing force? appeared first on Marginal REVOLUTION.

Democrats won a historic victory in Tuesday’s election. It was the best possible outcome — Donald Trump has made so many mistakes, engaged in such flagrant corruption, and committed such egregious acts that for his party not to have been punished at the polls would have boded poorly for America’s future. But as it is, I’m cautiously encouraged — normal Americans reasserted control, delivering a rebuke to the extremists who had used a moment of division and chaos to seize the commanding heights of power in our country.
It was the biggest midterm wave in half a century. Obama’s midterm loss in 2010 and Trump’s in 2018 don’t even come close. You have to go all the way back to 1974 and 1976 to find wipeouts like this:

Wait…1974 and 1976? 1974 was the year Nixon resigned due to Watergate, and 1976 was the year Jimmy Carter was elected president. Did either of those election victories herald an era of Democratic dominance in America? No, they did not. In fact, the GOP bounced back shortly afterwards, dominated American politics in the 1980s, and pulled the country to the right for decades.
So before they go patting themselves on the back for winning everything, forever, Democrats should think about that history of brief success followed by long-term failure, and ponder how to avoid a similar outcome this time. After Hannibal won a great victory, one of his generals is said to have told him: “You know how to win a victory, Hannibal; you do not know how to use it.” The Democrats must figure out how to use their victory.
That’s a tricky question. Democrats now control Congress, but that doesn’t mean they’re in power; Trump can and will veto most legislation they pass. With their limited capabilities, the Dems have to do the following, all at once:
Block as many of Trump’s bad policies as possible
Keep the spotlight on Trump even though he’s now a lame duck
Demonstrate a clear ideology and a clear plan to the American people despite not being able to pass much legislation
That’s possible to do, especially if — as seems very likely — Trump keeps being corrupt and making mistakes and alienating the country. The Dems won the 2006 midterms, and went on to put Obama in the White House two years later. Trump seems like he’s on a similar track:
But it doesn’t always happen — the GOP lost to Obama in 2012 after their big midterm wave in 2010, and the Dems barely eked out a victory over Trump in 2020 (with a lot of help from Covid) after winning the midterms in 2018.
If Democrats are going to translate midterm success into presidential victory — to say nothing of long-term partisan dominance — they’re going to have to work hard at rebuilding their brand, their sales pitch, and their policy platform after the disastrous years of 2016-2024.
One important point, which a lot of other people have already made, is that the big Democratic wave was mostly won by moderate Democrats. Here’s the NYT:
For much of the midterm campaign, progressive Democratic insurgents commanded the spotlight…But the path to Democrats’ sweeping victory this week, when they seized control of both chambers of Congress, was paved overwhelmingly by moderates who had spent months persuading voters in Republican-leaning states and competitive congressional districts…
The scale of moderate gains was reflected in the growing ranks of the centrist groups on Capitol Hill. The Blue Dog Coalition, a caucus of moderate and conservative Democrats in the House, announced on Wednesday that it had added at least 14 to its ranks, nearly doubling in size, and other centrist groups including the New Democrats and Problem Solvers strengthened their numbers substantially.
Some of this is purely mechanical. Far-left types tend to win by unseating moderate Dems in primaries in deep-blue districts and states, while moderates tend to win in swing districts and states; thus, when a wave is bigger and the Dems win more swing districts and states, moderates tend to do proportionally better than leftists.
However, there are signs that this election cycle actually represented a broad endorsement of moderate center-leftism. Ballot initiatives have rejected various leftist policies all over the country, and leftist candidates have been losing to center-left ones in deep blue strongholds:
And leftist candidates have generally performed more weakly at the ballot box:


What’s more, many of the most prominent Democrats who won high-profile races this year have explicitly endorsed centrist positions on key issues:
Nor have many prominent Dems done the kind of “woke” cultural signaling that they regularly did in 2020 and 2022.
There are two parts of the basic story here. First, the “woke” cultural wave of the 2010s, which peaked in 2020-21, continues to slowly recede. You can see this in continued voter support for conservative positions on cultural issues like trans sports:
Second, voters have not yet embraced the socialist movement, as demonstrated by the relatively weak performances of Bernie Sanders-endorsed candidates and the failure of the billionaire tax in California.
That means that Democrats understand that this 2026 midterm victory is a contingent and fragile one. Normal Americans have risen from their apathetic torpor and their jaded hyperpartisan paralysis, and are prepared to punish extremists of either party:
The normie uprising has brought center-left Dems to the fore, and it has also forced more progressive Dems to tone down or strategically compromise their more extreme positions.
But moderation itself is neither an ideology nor a policy program, and herein lies the big challenge for the Dems over the next year and a half or so.
Right now, my assessment is that most Democratic voters — including Independents and swing voters who lean toward the Dems — aren’t thinking very hard about how the country ought to be governed or what the future of America should look like. They’re simply thinking short-term thoughts about the immediate threat. They hate Trump and MAGA, and they want them gone, and it’s really as simple as that.
Nate Silver calls this “Heather Cox Richardsonism”, after the extremely popular Substack politics-and-history blogger Heather Cox Richardson:
Silver wrote:
The third faction [of the Dems is] Richardsonism or a term I’ll treat as synonymous with it: #Resistance Libs. They’re older, with extremely high educational attainment, predominantly female, and very highly politically engaged. This is the audience for a cluster of political activism encompassing things such as the No Kings protests and some highly popular anti-Trump Substacks along with certain prominent podcasts and much of Bluesky.
Nate has a bunch of criticisms of “Heather Cox Richardsonism”, most of which I disagree with. I like Heather Cox Richardson. I like suburban moms who listen to NPR all day and who feel physically ill when they see Donald Trump on a screen. Their instincts are good. Trump is an extremely bad president — and not just bad, but uniquely bad, in ways that are degrading the long-term stability and effectiveness of the United States itself. It’s eminently reasonable and understandable to be mad about this, even to the exclusion of all other political viewpoints and causes. As for the No Kings protests, they seem to line up perfectly with — and probably contributed to — this week’s midterm results.
And for most regular people, being mad about Trump is enough. Most citizens are not political philosophers or movement leaders or intellectuals. It’s not reasonable to ask them to think about where the country should go after Trump, or what ideologies and ideas should guide us in the absence of such imminent threats.
But someone has to think about those things. Otherwise Democrats will prove just as unable to govern as Trump was — well, maybe 70% as unable to govern, which will be bad enough. And our politics will continue to be an endless series of backlash-to-the-backlash-to-the-backlash, as each party focuses all its energy on getting to the day of the revolution and none of its energy on what happens the next morning.
Right now, the problem with Resistance Liberalism is that it’s headless. In Trump’s first term, the Resistance was animated by various identity movements, unified by the idea of a struggle against structural racism, misogyny, and so on. Hillary Clinton made a conscious choice to frame her 2016 campaign as a battle of antiracism versus Trumpian racism, Kamala Harris did something similar in 2020, and Joe Biden quietly let his administration push what would have previously been considered extreme versions of various identitarian social causes.
In fact, the American public still thought those versions were extreme, and punished Democrats in the polls accordingly. The end of the woke revolution lopped the head off of the Resistance — it left them with all of the same rage, but without a vision of a future America.
As I see it, there are basically three factions vying to replace identity politics as the guiding ethos of the Resistance. These are:
The leftists — Abdul El-Sayed, Zohran Mamdani, Bernie Sanders, and so on
The Warrenite progressive intellectuals
The Abundance movement
Each of these has deep flaws that I think will end up basically disqualifying it.
The leftists are organized, purposeful, disciplined, and driven, and they probably want the job of leadership more than the other factions. But their movement has some fatal weaknesses that make it a bad choice to lead the Dems. First of all, the leftists are intensely factional, focusing relentlessly on knifing the Democratic establishment rather than building a big tent.
Second, their policies tend to be so extreme that they overreach and backfire. The failure of the California billionaire tax is a case in point. Americans want to tax the rich more, but the billionaire tax was so extreme and poorly designed that voters didn’t just reject it — they approved a competing ballot proposition forbidding such taxes in the future.
Third, leftists instinctively ally themselves with bad people and bad causes. Leftist streamer Hasan Piker has praised terrorists and supported Vladimir Putin’s seizure of Crimea, incoming leftist congresswoman Darializa Avila Chevalier founded a group claiming to be dedicated to “the total eradication of Western Civilization”, and so on.
And fourth, although leftism is sometimes viewed as an alternative to wokeness, leftists themselves tend to be very woke. Just for fun, check out the famous footage from the 2019 DSA convention, or watch this widely mocked display from Representative Ro Khanna:
These shortcomings ought to prove fatal to the leftists’ chances of taking over the American left — and they probably will.
The second faction vying to take over the Resistance are the Warrenite intellectuals, who are laser-focused on attacking the rich — specifically, the rich people in the tech industry. Although Warren failed to catch fire in 2019, her faction had great success putting its people into positions of power during the Biden years.
But it kind of backfired. The New Antitrust movement got little done in a practical sense, and more fundamentally it failed to advance any kind of rewrite for our antitrust law. Years of frothing with rage against Mark Zuckerberg and the old FAANG companies just ended up looking silly when AI came along and disrupted their business models. The intellectual movement to “steer” the development of AI toward more pro-worker technologies (whatever that would even look like) is going nowhere.
In addition to being composed primarily of a bunch of egghead intellectuals who routinely fail to catch fire with voters, the Warrenites have a fatal flaw — they’ve chosen the wrong target. Democrats are entirely focused on hating Trump, while the Warrenites are focused on hating Mark Zuckerberg and Jeff Bezos. Americans just fundamentally aren’t that mad at the fact that Zuckerberg and Bezos are rich. They generally despise Elon Musk, but only for his right-wing activities and his online attitude — when he was just a businessman selling electric cars and reusable rockets, they didn’t mind his billions.
The Warrenites are simply never going to convince the nation that the billionaire techbros, rather than the rightists of MAGA, are the biggest threat to our way of life.
Anyway, the third faction is Abundance. Of the three, this would definitely be my choice if I had to pick, since I really like what the Abundance movement stands for. Abundance policies, like the bipartisan permitting reform bill now making its way through Congress, are both smarter and more politically feasible than almost all of what the leftists and Warrenites want to do.
The problem with Abundance is that it’s primarily an intellectual movement, not a political one. It’s all about policy — about whispering in the ears of princes, rather than marching in the streets. Abundance’s leaders are nice guys like Ezra Klein and Derek Thompson who just want to see everybody be happy and get a puppy.
And all of the Abundance ideas, to a rounding error, are good ones. Many of them are going to get implemented, especially concerning housing and energy. But they will do so because elites — including some leftists and some Republicans — will be intellectually convinced that they are good things to do, not because they have the ability to harness and direct years of pent-up anti-Trump anger. Abundance will win, but it will not win all the things the Democrats would need it to win.
The Democrats need something more than any of these movements has to offer. They need an ethos that both inspires popular passion and has a chance of pragmatically working. They need something that will give regular, normie Americans — the voters who just rose up to throw out the GOP — a reason to believe in the future, and a reason to believe that the Democrats can take them to that future.
That ideology exists. It was harnessed by FDR and his successors a century ago, first to fight the Depression, then to win World War 2, and finally to build the modern society that came after the war. I’m talking about liberal nationalism:
Here’s what I wrote in that post half a year ago:
In the 20th century, America had an ideology that was committed to forging a single national identity from a dizzying array of backgrounds. That ideology was liberal nationalism…
FDR ended forced assimilation policies for Native Americans, and gave them greater autonomy on tribal lands. He maintained a group of Black advisors, created plenty of programs to help Black people economically, created cultural programs to publicize Black achievement, and preserved the testimonials of former slaves. He created campaigns promoting interfaith understanding and cooperation, helping to reduce America’s traditional anti-Catholic prejudice as well as antisemitism. His Federal Writers Project employed writers to document America’s cultural diversity…FDR also strongly promoted the notion of America as a nation of immigrants — an idea that still deeply holds sway over the American psyche, despite rightists’ attempts to get rid of it…
FDR and the liberal nationalists were not modern multicultural progressives. They strongly believed in national unity. This obviously meant patriotism, respect for American institutions, and a shared sense of national purpose during World War 2, but it also meant a lot more. FDR and the New Dealers — and especially the Office of War Information — advanced the notion that America had a unifying culture, set of democratic ideals, sense of history, and way of life that transcended Americans’ different backgrounds. The history of the New Deal is littered with examples of attempts to forge American-ness into a sort of shared civic religion.
The Democrats can have liberal nationalism back if they want. Moderate figures like Jon Ossoff and James Talarico can use Rooseveltian pluralistic patriotism just like Barack Obama did, in order to go beyond good-governance centrism and opposition to Donald Trump. The intellectuals of the Abundance movement can use liberal nationalism to add passion to their policies — after all, isn’t it precisely because we’re Americans that we deserve material abundance?
Right now, Americans hold a bunch of basically Rooseveltian beliefs, and many Democrats still have the Rooseveltian instincts they’ve inherited from their party’s past. But we’re still not to the point where liberal nationalism has filled the vacuum of passion and inspiration left by the demise of “Woke 1.0”. The Democrats have a year and a half to resuscitate that vision.
Doing so will require some clashes — with leftists who believe that America is an evil empire, with Warrenites who want to destroy big tech companies instead of harnessing them to the national purpose, and with identitarian activists who believe that promoting a unified national culture is a form of racist oppression. But if this is not undertaken, the Democrats will either continue to drift aimlessly from backlash to backlash, or fall under the sway of highly suboptimal captains.
There’s also the more pragmatic question of what Dems should actually do over the next two years, while they hold Congress but not the presidency. This is an inherently difficult problem, because Trump can just veto almost any legislation the Dems pass. The usual tactic here is to just obstruct anything the president wants to do, hoping that making the president’s term in office look like a failure will help the opposition in the next election.
But I believe Democrats can do better than this. First of all they can, and should, investigate Trump and his family and friends for corruption. Corruption turned out to be a huge issue in these midterms — even more important than I realized it would be.
Even in opposition, Democrats can shine some sunlight on the Trump administration’s seemingly endless parade of dirty deeds. And in fact, it looks as if this is going to happen:
Corruption topped the list of concerns for voters who ousted Republicans…Now, the newly empowered Democratic Party is putting the issue front and center…Senior Democrats in both chambers of Congress have vowed to marshal the subpoena powers and larger investigative staffs that come with their soon-to-be majorities to probe what they say is the self-enrichment that President Donald Trump and people in his orbit have done at the public’s expense…
House Democrats are preparing a vast oversight agenda to look at how Trump and his family have become wealthier since he returned to office…Garcia, the top Democrat on the Oversight and Government Reform Committee, has outlined five priorities, including Trump family business dealings, the administration's handling of the Jeffrey Epstein investigation and Immigration and Customs Enforcement operations. Rep. Jared Huffman of California, the ranking Democrat on the Natural Resources Committee, said he wants to dig into Trump's White House ballroom and other construction projects, as well as the Trump family's role in mineral deals…In the Senate, Sen. Richard Blumenthal, D-Conn., who is expected to become the chairman of the Homeland Security Committee's Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, said his panel will want to look into Trump's real estate projects around the nation's capital and his crypto dealings with special envoy Steve Witkoff.
This is great. But other than this, and perhaps some bipartisan deals and some obstruction and oversight of Trump’s worst abuses, what can the Dems in Congress do?
What they can also do is to workshop their economic policy program under low-stakes conditions. America has two big economic challenges looming — the out-of-control national debt, and AI. Dems can start demonstrating — and at the same time, start figuring out — how they’d address both of these challenges if they had the presidency.
The debt is actually the much harder piece of this in political terms. Deficit reduction is inherently painful, as it involves some combination of spending cuts and tax increases — both of which tend to be unpopular with the electorate. If Dems submit budgets that go all-out with spending cuts and tax hikes, Trump will just veto those budgets, and Americans — who have not yet been forced to reckon with the need for debt reduction — will praise Trump for it.
Instead, Dems will need to introduce only parts of their ultimate deficit reduction plans. Sunsetting the Trump tax cuts on pass-through businesses is one good idea — there’s basically no reason for people like me to pay lower taxes than Americans with W-2s, just because we’re self-employed.
AI is ultimately the thornier policy challenge, because we really don’t know how AI is going to affect the economy. But putting in place measures to protect human labor from the inevitable disruptions — flexible welfare programs, employment incentives, social wealth funds, and the like — has little downside, and it offers Democrats a way to sell a vision of harnessing the benefits of technology for the public good. The Dems can observe how these ideas go over with the public, and make the popular ones part of their candidate’s platform in 2028.
This midterm blowout was the first step toward building a better country and putting the chaotic, shameful Trump Era behind us. But there’s a lot of work to be done, both on the ideological side and in terms of crafting a policy program. The morning after the revolution is always when the hard work begins.
Marketing note 1: I have a new ebook, Navigating the Chaos: Chronicles of Economic and Political Madness, which uses material from this Substack to construct a thematic narrative of the past two years and the issues that Democrats must now address to build an enduring progressive movement. Available from Amazon, Kobo, Bookshop, and Nook.
Marketing note 2: I’m doing a live, in-person event with the inimitable Heather Cox Richardson Wednesday Nov. 11 at 6:30 PM. Seating is fully booked, but it will be livestreamed: details and registration here. We’re trying to find a way to livestream it on our Substacks too, and I’ll let you know if we can.
Now, today’s post:
The midterm result was a tale of many backlashes. There was the backlash of erstwhile Trump voters, particularly young white males, against high gasoline prices and the Iran War. There was the backlash of Hispanic voters against ICE and Trump’s horrific deportation policy. There was the backlash of Black voters against Republicans’ gerrymandering to negate their votes and Trump’s open racism. There was the backlash of women against the destruction of abortion rights and suppression of the Epstein files. There was a backlash of ordinary families against the loss of healthcare coverage. There was a general backlash against Trump’s bottomless corruption and lies. And there was a backlash of patriotic Americans against Trump’s bromance with Putin.
Yet one of the most stunning blows was against the class of oligarchs, whom voters reasonably believe have been major enablers Trump and the Republicans, allowing them to inflict significant economic, social and strategic harm the country.
Since the 1980s, America’s society and economy have become increasingly oligarchic. The share of wealth held by the top 0.0001% — roughly 200 people — is now more than 7 times what it was in 1980.
That tiny billionaire elite spent massively in this year’s midterm elections, with the spending overwhelmingly in support of Republicans:
Note: Andreesen and the Brockmans are very right wing, but their bars aren’t red because they give a lot of money to tech groups that aren’t explicitly pro-GOP.
But to the credit of American voters, the oligarchs’ party and their preferred candidates lost, bigly.
Elon Musk, in particular, was nearly the sole funder of Ken Paxton’s senatorial campaign in Texas. Overall, he spent more than $200 million in the state — only to see James Talarico beat Paxton by 12 points, and Gina Hinojosa become the next Texas governor. Musk has been the leader of the tech bro faction trying to promote a move to Texas away from liberal California. Now, suddenly, the broligarchs’ promised land has turned blue.
You should not conclude from Tuesday’s humiliation that concerns about the threat to democracy from extreme wealth concentration are unfounded. Wealth still buys power; oligarchs played an enormous role in supporting Donald Trump’s return to the White House, throwing billions behind Trump, Republicans, and their aligned PACs. And they will surely keep trying to buy elections until and unless steps are taken to limit their excessive wealth.
Yet the results of the midterms do suggest that there are some inherent factors that limit the ability of malefactors of great wealth to sway elections. Indeed, their support can backfire, inflicting serious damage to the political prospects of whomever they support. I would identify four factors in particular:
· Big money can be self-defeating in American politics
· Big money feeds big corruption
· Billionaires live in bubbles of self-delusion
· Parties supported by billionaires also end up trapped in bubbles
Big money can be self-defeating: Money obviously matters a lot in political campaigns. A well-financed candidate can afford to run ads, hold rallies, hire staffers to get his or her message out. But getting the message out is self-defeating when the candidate doesn’t have a message that resonates with voters. In fact, the messages that Republicans delivered in the midterms alienated voters.
The October AP-NORC poll asked voters whether a number of issues were “One of the most important.” Leading the list were “the economy” and “the cost of living,” followed by healthcare and the war with Iran. What could Republicans say about these issues, when the Trump era has been marked by surging inflation, government cuts that have led millions to lose health insurance, and a military debacle in the Persian Gulf? They could echo Trump’s “who you gonna believe, me or your lying eyes” proclamations that everything is great and we’re living in a Golden Age, but that would do them more harm than good. Instead, the Republicans offered personal attacks, cries of “communism”, AI-generated misrepresentations, and tired culture-war broadsides.
Not only that, the massive flood of big money has sensitized American voters to the fact that the oligarchs are, in effect, trying to buy their vote. And we should commend the many principled Democratic politicians who trusted the instincts of voters and foreswore accepting superPAC funding, like the newly elected senator from Michigan, Abdul El-Sayed.
Big money feeds big corruption: Suppose you’re a billionaire who wants some changes in government policy, almost always involving decisions that directly affect your personal wealth. One way to get those changes is to finance campaigns by politicians you believe will act in your favor. But there’s also a more direct route: Just give money directly to officials who deliver what you want.
So when a party of, by, and for oligarchs took power, it was inevitable that we would see raw corruption on an unprecedented scale — although Trump’s personal greed and lack of self-restraint made that corruption especially lurid.
True, much of Trump’s personal profiteering involved crypto bros rather than the mega-donors listed in the chart above, and Jared Kushner has been raking it in largely from Middle East potentates. But corporate America rushed to fund Trump’s pet projects, like his grotesque ballroom, and the support of big money fed a general attitude within the administration that anything goes.
And voters noticed. Both pre-election polling and the exit polls show perceptions of corruption as a major factor in the election — possibly, depending on the phrasing of the question, comparable in importance to the cost of living. As a result, the cozy relationship between oligarchs and the G.O.P., which enabled this unprecedented corruption, may well have hurt Republicans far more than lavish campaign funding helped them.
Billionaires live in bubbles of self-delusion: The obscenely rich are different from you and me. They live in a bubble, populated by yes-men and yes-women, who never dare to tell them that they are dangerously deluded. They have no conception of ordinary Americans’ concerns or their struggles. So when Elon Musk rants that all Democrats are communists, uses his megaphone X to promote the Great Replacement conspiracy theory that Democrats are deliberately trying to replace whites with immigrants, or uses his control of Starlink to aid Putin’s war against Ukraine, there is no one willing or able to inform him that these are self-defeating acts.
Furthermore, because oligarchs like Musk have effectively bought the G.O.P., they are able to impose the delusions and obsessions that festered inside their bubbles on the Republican Party as a whole. Notably, Musk also was a leading forcebehind the remarkably large amount of Republican anti-transgender messaging during the midterms, with more than $280 million spent on anti-trans broadcast and connected TV ads. Not only were these ads full of lies, but nobody cared about the issue. It always ranks dead last when voters are asked about which issues they consider important.
Finally, by providing Trump and the Republican party virtually unlimited financial support, making them feel impervious to the concerns of ordinary Americans, the billionaires have dragged Republican politicians and influencers into their bubbles
Parties supported by billionaires also end up trapped in bubbles of self-delusion: While the scale of the Democratic midterm victory surprised almost everyone, the victory itself came as no surprise. Generic ballot polls had shown a 9-point Democratic advantage (it actually came in at 13.) This predicted advantage, according to modelers like G. Elliott Morris and Nate Silver, translated into a near-certain Democratic takeover of the House and approximately 80 percent odds of taking the Senate.
Yet like Trump, many Republican activists and politicians appear to have been completely shocked by their defeat. Why? Because they were living in a self-referential bubble, getting their information from right-wing influencers and Fox News, who led them to believe that the polls were either outright fakes or massively understating Donald Trump’s popularity.
Indeed, at this point I’m starting to believe that Musk’s purchase of Twitter, and his conversion of the app into a safe space for fascism, has actually been harmful to the right wing, because it means that the Republican elite is marinated in misinformation, including misinformation about the U.S. political scene.
Now, while Democrats have every right to savor their historic midterm victory, I will paraphrase what I wrote in yesterday’s post: to quote Churchill, this is not the end, not even the beginning of the end, but perhaps the end of the beginning of the fight to reclaim this country from the oligarchs. A lasting victory will require greatly reducing megabillionaires’ power, which means reducing their share of national wealth.
Tuesday was, however, a good start.
MUSICAL CODA

Texas-based companies AST SpaceMobile and Firefly Aerospace announced a $1.3 billion agreement to license a rocket engine that will power a new, heavy-lift rocket starting in 2028, if all goes to plan.
The proposed launcher is called Blacklift and AST SpaceMobile classifies it as a 20-ton rocket, which would put it in the same category of SpaceX’s Falcon 9 and United Launch Alliance’s Vulcan.
Following the trend of SpaceX using its Falcon 9 rockets principally to launch its Starlink satellites, AST SpaceMobile will focus its launch capacity to fly its BlueBird satellites to orbit. The company said the rocket will be capable of launching five of its BlueBird satellites at a time.
“The Blacklift rocket is the springboard to significantly expand our total addressable market, providing AST SpaceMobile with regular unconstrained access to orbit and providing for most favorable owners’ economics in the industry,” said Abel Avellan, Founder, Chairman, and CEO of AST SpaceMobile. “This will accelerate our mission to build a new layer of global connectivity, extending connectivity beyond terrestrial networks and helping to bring AI-enabled services wherever people live, work and travel.”
Few details about the rocket itself were released alongside the announcement on Friday. Left unknown are things like hight, propellant tank sizes, and proposed launch site.
AST SpaceMobile also hasn’t described its plan for going from rendering to launch in the span of about two years. An analysis from Payload Space found that it historically takes about six years to go from the start of development to a successful first launch.
The company said it will host an “unveiling event” in New York City on Thursday, Nov. 12, which may fill in some of the blanks. The company also has a third quarter earnings call scheduled for Monday, Nov. 9, at 5 p.m. EST (2200 UTC) and may offer some details at that time as well.

In it’s announcement of the deal with AST SpaceMobile, Firefly said it would be delivering 27 Miranda engines and nine vacuum-variant Vira engines “for AST SpaceMobile’s first three rockets.” That suggests that the Blacklift first stage boosters will have nine Miranda engines each and three Vira engines on the upper stage.
For comparison, the medium-lift Eclipse rocket that Firefly is developing in partnership with Northrop Grumman features seven Miranda engines and one Vira engine. Under this new agreement, Firefly is providing a license for AST SpaceMobile to manufacture engines in the future.
The $1.3 billion agreement involves $800 million upfront from AST SpaceMobile, half of which comes in cash and the other half in Class A Common Stock. It will also pay Firefly $250 million for the 36 engines and another $250 million over the course of three years for engineering services.
“This is a bold transformational deal for Firefly, for AST SpaceMobile, and for the space industry,” said Jason Kim, CEO of Firefly Aerospace. “When a company sets out to build its own rocket, the engine is the hardest, highest-stakes decision they make, and AST SpaceMobile chose to partner with Firefly for its most powerful rocket engines.
“It’s a true win-win for both companies: AST SpaceMobile gets control of its own launch schedule, and Firefly gets added funds to rapidly expand our rocket production and reinforce the supply of launch vehicles to address record demand from the industry.”

Firefly said it has performed more than 175 hot fire tests of its Miranda engines, lasting more than 4,200 seconds. The Vira engine is still in development, but takes heritage from the Lightning engine, which powers the upper stages of Firefly’s Alpha rockets.
Neither engine has made its debut on an orbital flight. Firefly’s current public estimate of an inaugural launch with its Eclipse rocket is 2027.
Firefly plans to speak more about the deal with AST SpaceMobile during its third quarter earnings call, which is scheduled for Tuesday, Nov. 10, at 5 p.m. EST (2200 UTC).
Welcome to Edition 9.18 of the Rocket Report! Blue Origin packed a lot of news into one afternoon Thursday with the reveal of a new kick stage for the New Glenn rocket, a new rocket engine design, and the minor and widely expected delay for New Glenn's return-to-flight mission from December until January. The reconstruction of Blue Origin's wrecked launch pad at Cape Canaveral, Florida, continues apace after a catastrophic explosion nearly six months ago. There's a lot of pent-up demand from NASA, Amazon, and the Space Force for Blue Origin to get New Glenn back in action.
As always, we welcome reader submissions, and if you don't want to miss an issue, please subscribe using the box below (the form will not appear on AMP-enabled versions of the site). Each report will include information on small-, medium-, and heavy-lift rockets as well as a quick look ahead at the next three launches on the calendar.
SpaceX vets work on water-fed propulsion. Three brothers who worked at SpaceX in the Falcon 9 era are now building satellites that run on water, a potentially harvestable resource on the Moon and found all over the Solar System, Ars reports. In late 2022, the three Carlisle brothers founded Argo Space to build infrastructure in space. Their vision was not just in-space transportation but also removing the need to use propellants from Earth to move around the heavens. Argo Space's satellites will use water not only as a propellant, but also as a coolant and radiation shield.
This morning waking, my wife was mighty-earnest with me to persuade me that she should prove with child since last night, which, if it be, let it come, and welcome. Up to my office, whither Commissioner Pett came, newly come out of the country, and he and I walked together in the garden talking of business a great while, and I perceive that by our countenancing of him he do begin to pluck up his head, and will do good things I hope in the yard. Thence, he being gone, to my office and there dispatched many people, and at noon to the ’Change to the coffee-house, and among other things heard Sir John Cutler say, that of his owne experience in time of thunder, so many barrels of beer as have a piece of iron laid upon them will not be soured, and the others will. Thence to the ’Change, and there discoursed with many people, and I hope to settle again to my business and revive my report of following of business, which by my being taken off for a while by sickness and, laying out of money has slackened for a little while.
Home, and there found Mrs. Hunt, who dined very merry, good woman; with us. After dinner came in Captain Grove, and he and I alone to talk of many things, and among many others of the Fishery, in which he gives the such hopes that being at this time full of projects how to get a little honestly, of which some of them I trust in God will take, I resolved this afternoon to go and consult my Lord Sandwich about it, and so, being to carry home Mrs. Hunt, I took her and my wife by coach and set them at Axe Yard, and I to my Lord’s and thither sent for Creed and discoursed with him about it, and he and I to White Hall, where Sir G. Carteret and my Lord met me very fortunately, and wondered first to see me in my perruque, and I am glad it is over, and then, Sir G. Carteret being gone, I took my Lord aside, who do give me the best advice he can, and telling me how there are some projectors, by name Sir Edward Ford, who would have the making of farthings,1 and out of that give so much to the King for the maintenance of the Fishery; but my Lord do not like that, but would have it go as they offered the last year, and so upon my desire he promises me when it is seasonable to bring me into the commission with others, if any of them take, and I perceive he and Mr. Coventry are resolved to follow it hard.
Thence, after walking a good while in the Long gallery, home to my Lord’s lodging, my Lord telling me how my father did desire him to speak to me about my giving of my sister something, which do vex me to see that he should trouble my Lord in it, but however it is a good occasion for me to tell my Lord my condition, and so I was glad of it. After that we begun to talk of the Court, and he tells me how Mr. Edward Montagu begins to show respect to him again after his endeavouring to bespatter him all was, possible; but he is resolved never to admit him into his friendship again. He tells me how he and Sir H. Bennet, the Duke of Buckingham and his Duchesse, was of a committee with somebody else for the getting of Mrs. Stewart for the King; but that she proves a cunning slut, and is advised at Somerset House by the Queene-Mother, and by her mother, and so all the plot is spoiled and the whole committee broke. Mr. Montagu and the Duke of Buckingham fallen a-pieces, the Duchesse going to a nunnery; and so Montagu begins to enter friendship with my Lord, and to attend the Chancellor whom he had deserted. My Lord tells me that Mr. Montagu, among other things, did endeavour to represent him to the Chancellor’s sons as one that did desert their father in the business of my Lord of Bristoll; which is most false, being the only man that hath several times dined with him when no soul hath come to him, and went with him that very day home when the Earl impeached him in the Parliament House, and hath refused ever to pay a visit to my Lord of Bristoll, not so much as in return to a visit of his. So that the Chancellor and my Lord are well known and trusted one by another. But yet my Lord blames the Chancellor for desiring to have it put off to the next Session of Parliament, contrary to my Lord Treasurer’s advice, to whom he swore he would not do it: and, perhaps, my Lord Chancellor, for aught I see by my Lord’s discourse, may suffer by it when the Parliament comes to sit.
My Lord tells me that he observes the Duke of York do follow and understand business very well, and is mightily improved thereby. Here Mr. Pagett coming in I left my Lord and him, and thence I called my wife and her maid Jane and by coach home and to my office, where late writing some things against tomorrow, and so home to supper and to bed. This morning Mr. Blackburne came to me to let me know that he had got a lodging very commodious for his kinsman, and so he is ready at my pleasure to go when I would bid him, and so I told him that I would in a day or two send to speak with him and he and I would talk and advise Will what to do, of which I am very glad.
Footnotes
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So, Sonja Shaw has conceded after a failed race to become California’s state superintendent of public instruction, noting that “I don’t know exactly what God has next, but I know He isn’t finished.”
I asked God if She’d like to offer Her thoughts on it all. She submitted this guest piece …
First, to clear this up for the 124,432,567,543,778,765,444th time, it’s she.
Second, there are people who believe I am in control of everything—and they would be correct. For I am God—the all powerful. And that is why, when she was but a girl, I noted the unfortunate satanic ways of Sonja Shaw, and had her mother “accidentally” drop her on the head in the Ralph’s parking lot at 12835 Mountain Ave. in Chino. I believed this would knock the evil out of young Sonja, but, alas, it instead brought the world a full-fledged wobegon demon child.
And you might ask, in your simple human ways, “God, why did You not fix things? For You are God.” The answer: Girl, I tried. Seven days later, I had Sonja’s mother yet again drop her daughter on the head—this time outside the Chaparral 300 bowling alley, where the lanes are smooth and the parking lot is concrete. In all My holiness, I figured this would reverse the damage, and bring young Sonja closer to goodness and compassion. The same double-drop approach had worked for many of my flock in the past, including Duran Duran lead singer Simon Le Bon, three Sturgeon Bay-based postal workers, Captain Kangaroo, the Keebler Elf, Mother Teresa, Walter Mondale and one-time Cleveland Indians slugger Gorman Thomas.
Alas, Sonja was different. Darker. Sinisterly embedded. The second drop made her increasingly rabid and wild. Less human, more like a grossly dispositioned one-eyed street raccoon. And, in that moment, I thought (again, in all My splendor) that I must—once and for all—find a way to repair this sad creature. I’d have someone drop her on the head yet again, and she would be, at long last, repaired …
At that precise moment, however, episode six of the first season of “Perfect Strangers” was set to air—the one where Balki arranges a surprise birthday party for Larry.
So, um … eh … ugh …
I forgot.
Glub.
I am God.
I am all powerful.
I created the world.
I (sigh) love network television.
After that, well, I started finding Sonja Shaw to be wildly entertaining. I know … I know. God! How could You? But the shit was really funny. The high school ham sandwich incident. That time she drank from the brown puddle. The time she took her Uncle Frank to the prom. The time she took her Uncle Frank to the prom, failing to realize one day Uncle Frank would be Aunt Francine. The time she decided to work at a gym instead of attending college. The time she wrote a fan-girl letter to Anson Williams, thinking it was Scott Baio. The time that one guy mistakenly asked her directions, and wound up imprisoned within a 25-minute rant on how the Oompa Loompas are all trans kids. The time (yesterday) she swore 2x2=17.
Life gets boring up here, even for God. Sonja Shaw has offered Me the gifts of levity and laughter; joy and schtick.
So, technically, Sonja Shaw is right—I am not finished. At the risk of providing spoilers, I have some big plans. “Sonja! The Musical”—starring Nathan Lane at The Diversionary! The Chino Trans Appreciation Parade and Festival on June 10—to mark Sonja’s birthday! Cakes shaped like boobs! Books about gay couples holding hands! And even some new super-cool hats!
Sonja, my child, God is sorry She got distracted from fixing your grotesque ways.
God, however, still loves you.
Especially when you lose.
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Incoming chair of the House Judiciary Committee Jamie Raskin (D-MD) posted today: “House Democrats are in the fight to bring government back from the brink of authoritarianism. We will shine a light on President Trump’s quid pro quo, coin-operated, pay-to-play corruption and renew American government as an instrument for the common good.”
Raskin told MS NOW that he intends to subpoena the law firms that struck deals with Trump to learn more about alleged coercion from Trump. He also said he intends to investigate Attorney General Todd Blanche for his refusal to produce documents required by the Epstein Files Transparency Act and for the Department of Justice’s persecution of those Trump considers enemies, including James Comey, Letitia James, Adam Schiff, Mark Kelly, Maggie Goodlander, and Jason Crow.
Raskin also told Greg Sargent of The New Republic that the Judiciary Committee will work with Democratic appropriators to defund Trump’s corrupt prosecutions. “We have the power of the purse,” Raskin told Sargent. “We’ll be working closely with our Appropriations Committee partners to make sure that we’re doing everything we can to cut off money that is being used for political harassment and persecution.”
Representative Robert Garcia (D-CA) is in line to chair the House Oversight and Reform Committee. Yesterday, he told reporters the committee would focus on four major areas. The first is “the Trump crime family.” Garcia noted that a Russian oligarch paid for Don Jr.’s wedding party, the Saudis invested $2 billion in Jared Kushner’s business, and Eric Trump is on the board of companies that are getting Pentagon contracts. Trump himself has pocketed billions from crypto schemes.
The other three areas on which the committee will focus are the Department of Homeland Security and the abuses of Immigrations and Customs Enforcement, corporate corruption, and those associated with sex abuser Jeffrey Epstein.
Eamon Javers of CNBC reported today that “Sen[ator] Ron Wyden’s Finance Committee staff intend to dig into JP Morgan’s relationship with Jeffrey Epstein, with a particular focus on the conduct of high ranking executives and their handling of the bank’s relationship with the disgraced financier.”
Yesterday the Senate posted new job listings, including one for an attorney to lead the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee’s work on “government ethics and anti-corruption legislation and to participate in the Committee’s oversight and investigations work.”
Gabe Kaminsky of CBS News reported today that Democrats plan to investigate the finances behind Trump’s presidential library. Last March, Trump said he doesn’t “believe in building libraries or museums” and that the building is “most likely going to be a hotel.” Nonetheless, Trump’s foundation, which is run by Trump’s son Eric and son-in-law Michael Boulos, told the IRS it was building a library.
The foundation says it will raise $950 million by the end of 2027. Money has poured into the foundation from companies Trump sued and that settled based on promises to contribute to the fund. People eager to avoid Trump’s wrath have also contributed. A former advisor told Kaminsky: “The library is one of the last few places he can squeeze people for money.”
Meanwhile, Trump appears to be acting, as President Abraham Lincoln once said of Major General William S. Rosecrans, “confused and stunned, like a duck hit on the head.” He has remained largely quiet about the election but is continuing to talk about his projects in Washington, D.C. Apparently afraid those projects will now come to a halt, he wanted his triumphal arch approved today so work could start immediately. Tonight his hand-picked commission voted as Trump wanted, agreeing to approve the arch, but just before midnight, Judge Tanya Chutkan stopped construction for fourteen days.
This afternoon, in his first action after the election, Trump issued an executive order designating the Oval Office and Cabinet room of the White House a “national landmark” and federal landmark” to prevent future presidents from altering them. He told reporters he wanted to “make it impossible for anybody to ever destroy this incredible space.”
Although the nation’s founders envisioned the Executive Mansion—it wouldn’t officially be called the “White House” until 1901—as a modest space that demonstrated the president was not a king, Trump has splashed so much gold frippery around the place former president Barack Obama joked during the campaign that it looked like “Saddam Hussein opened a Cheesecake Factory.”
While the president focuses on his legacy, the rest of MAGA appears to be panicking. The right wing is trying to blame Tuesday’s wipe-out on the Iran War, or on Vice President J.D. Vance’s negotiation of the disastrous memorandum of understanding that last June turned the conflict from an upfront clash into a simmering conflict.
But polls before the election showed that although the American people were upset about many things, at the top of their complaints about the Trump administration was corruption. Fittingly, the value of Trump’s social media company and his meme coin plummeted yesterday after the results of the election became clear. Annie Massa of Bloomberg noted that the dramatic drops suggest that investors “may be anxious about the implications of the election for the businesses with links to the president, which are now expected to receive fresh congressional oversight.”
The idea of oversight appears to be worrying people other than investors, and some appear to be thinking not of the American people, but of how to get themselves out of the range of fallout from Tuesday’s losses.
Today Harmeet K. Dhillon resigned from the Department of Justice, where she dismantled the department’s Civil Rights Division, the central cause for which Congress created the department in 1870. As Perry Stein and Jeremy Roebuck of the Washington Post report, on her watch, more than half the lawyers in the division and hundreds of career staffers left. Rather than continuing the work of protecting vulnerable minorities from discrimination, she turned the department to pushing Trump’s social agenda, including purging the country of “woke ideology.”
Matt Cohen and Yunior Rivas of Democracy Docket recall that under Dhillon, the administration stopped defending voting rights. Dhillon also led the administration’s effort to take control of states’ voter rolls and pushed the Republicans’ extraordinary mid-decade redistricting campaign.
Outgoing Representative Thomas Massie (R-KY) posted today that when Congress returns next week, he expects to get the necessary signatures for a discharge petition to force a vote on the Epstein Files Transparency Act II. That measure will enable survivors to get their own records, state attorneys general to prosecute crimes, and Congress to sue the Department of Justice “for keeping critical files hidden.”
Massie also vowed to force a vote to impeach Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth when the House returns to work next week, and “multiple” Republican sources told Adam Cancryn, Sarah Ferris, Zachary Cohen, and Alayna Treene of CNN that they think the measure will pass. Massie added on social media that the one condition under which he won’t reintroduce the articles of impeachment against Hegseth is if Hegseth resigns first.
Hegseth promptly posted a video in which he sounded panicked. He appeared to be appealing to Trump, in which he called the impeachment articles a “sham” and added: “Just like they tried against President Trump, twice…. Didn’t work against President Trump, and it won’t work with me.”
The word corruption, in this case, is not just about laws being broken, but about the old fashioned idea that the body politic has been “corrupted”—the old word for a physical disease—by money. That sort of corruption is also under the microscope now.
Michelle Goldberg of the New York Times noted today that the only person who took a bigger hit on Tuesday than Donald Trump was billionaire Elon Musk. Musk poured almost a half a billion dollars into the election in an attempt to preserve Republican control of the Senate and to guarantee that Texas stayed in the hands of Republicans.
Goldberg recalls that Musk almost single-handedly funded the campaign of Republican Senate candidate Ken Paxton, Texas’s current attorney general, whose opponent, Democrat James Talarico, won the election by 12 points. She also notes that it sometimes seemed that Talarico was running against Musk as much as he was against Paxton, at one point telling a rally: “Elon Musk wants our land. He wants our water. He wants our tax dollars. He wants his very own personal United States senator.” Governor-elect Gina Hinojosa also called attention to Musk’s power in the state through his relationship to Texas governor Greg Abbott.
The election made it very clear that the American people do not want the data center build-out Republicans have touted. Today tech firms lost billions of dollars in market value as investors worried about regulation of an industry in which investment was already faltering because of concerns that the industry would not deliver the returns leaders promised. As Rachel Clun and Osmond Chia of the BBC reported, Nvidia lost $400 billion, more than 9%, from its market value. Elon Musk’s SpaceX and Tesla together lost more than $300 billion in market value.
The seven tech companies called the “magnificent seven,” including Apple, Nvidia, and Tesla, lost a trillion dollars today. The Nasdaq composite, the index of publicly traded information technology companies, lost almost $2.5 trillion.
The election saw a quiet but dramatic move to address the corruption of money in politics. On Tuesday, voters in Montana overwhelmingly approved a ballot initiative to stop the flow of corporate money into political campaigns. The measure echoes a law passed in Hawaii in May but is the first to go directly to voters.
Rather than going after the political spending that the Supreme Court’s 2010 Citizens’ United v. Federal Elections Commission decision protected, the plan capitalizes on the fact that corporations are created by states. It simply says that the state can deny the power of corporations, trade associations, nonprofits, and other “artificial persons” to donate to political causes. Businesses chartered in other states can’t spend political money in the state.
Only 34.5% of Montana voters opposed the measure. More than 65% voted yes.
Eric Petry of the Brennan Center for Justice, which protects voting rights, told Mike Leonard and Jordan Fischer of Bloomberg Law: “The fact that this passed with near-supermajority support in a very red state shows how deeply upset the public is about the role of money in politics.”
—
Notes:
https://www.cbsnews.com/news/trump-library-democratic-congress/
https://newrepublic.com/post/217666/jamie-raskin-warns-law-firms-donald-trump
https://www.ms.now/news/todd-blanche-impeachment-house-democrats-jamie-raskin
https://careers.employment.senate.gov/jobs
https://www.cbsnews.com/news/trump-arch-approval-national-capital-planning-commission/
https://finance.yahoo.com/markets/stocks/articles/trump-media-falls-time-low-172631369.html
https://www.cnn.com/2026/11/04/politics/pete-hegseth-impeachment-trump
https://thehill.com/policy/defense/6202467-hegseth-massie-impeachment-threat/
https://www.nytimes.com/2026/11/05/opinion/elon-musk-midterms-trump-results.html
https://www.npr.org/2026/11/03/g-s1-148943/texas-senate-race-james-talarico
https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cmn04705rd8jo
https://news.bloomberglaw.com/esg/montana-bans-dark-money-setting-up-challenge-to-citizens-united
https://news.bloomberglaw.com/esg/dark-money-critics-wield-corporate-law-against-citizens-united-4
https://www.cnn.com/2026/11/04/politics/pete-hegseth-impeachment-trump
X:
EamonJavers/status/2118356349604044882
RepThomasMassie/status/2118333083581661676
RepThomasMassie/status/2118151572391940590
Bluesky:
raskin.house.gov/post/3mzlgfxntlc22
gregsargent.bsky.social/post/3mzlzcqyxpc2u
jeanpocket.bsky.social/post/3mzl36umamk2d
joshtpm.bsky.social/post/3mzlnlnzi2227
resjudicata22.bsky.social/post/3mzlpaum3fk2m
newsjennifer.bsky.social/post/3mzm4tzwqg22m
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Listen on Apple Podcasts
Listen on Spotify
Get full, free access to Letters from an American here.
You can also find Heather:
YouTube
Bluesky
Instagram
Facebook
Threads
TikTok

SpaceX launched another batch of satellites for a clandestine U.S. Space Force program on a Falcon 9 rocket from California Friday afternoon.
Liftoff from pad 4E at Vandenberg Space Force Base occurred at 4:48 p.m. PST (7:48 p.m. EST / 0048 UTC). The rocket took a south-easterly trajectory on departure from the central California coast. The flight was originally scheduled for Nov. 1 but was delayed repeatedly, first due to delays of the Starlink 15-18 launch, and then for reasons that were not disclosed.
The mission is designated USSF-432 but is also identified as R-4 in public documents. This series of ‘R’ missions began Aug. 16 with USSF-366. More launches in the sequence followed with USSF-153 (R-2) on Sept. 10 and USSF-385 (R3) on Sept. 26.
Each R launch has placed 23 satellites in orbit, according to orbital catalog entries. They are thought to be based on SpaceX’s Starshield platform, the government version of the Starlink satellite.
According to Jonathan McDowell, the respected tracker of space launches, the R satellites are part of the U.S. Space Force’s Space Based Sensing and Targeting program.
Officially, the Space Force has declined to provide any information about the missions. Neither SpaceX or the Space Force have confirmed a successful satellite deployment on the previous flights.
The Falcon 9 first stage booster, B1095, is making its eighth flight and landed on the drone ship ‘Of Course I Still Love You,’ stationed in the Pacific Ocean off the coast of Baja California, Mexico. The booster’s previous flights all took place from the East Coast at Cape Canaveral Space Force Station and Kennedy Space Center. It made a cross country transfer after launching the GPS 3-8 mission in April. The bulk of recent Falcon 9 launches have taken place from Vandenberg as SpaceX focuses its attention on launching the first Starship from Florida.

I was watching a snarky YouTube video where a watch influencer was ranking all watch brands. He labeled Christopher Ward his favorite emerging indie brand. So here we go.
It’s got Tudor-esque chonk on both the markers and the hands. The ceramic bezel is a work of art — one of those you have to feel with your hands. The face, the asphalt vibes of a Patek, is compelling. I am a known sucker for a splash of orange, and there are multiple splashes to love. V-strap? Possible mistake. Jury is out.
Hey folks! Fireside this week, as we’ve (finally) brought the Hearts of Iron IV (I, II IIIa, IIIb, IVa, IVb) series to a close. We may have rather more firesides and even some gap weeks in the next month or two, both due to the end of the semester but also due to some personal schedule disruptions. Still, I plan to try to keep to schedule as much as I can, and we should be back on our regular schedule in January.

For this week’s musing, I want to expand on something I wrote on social media, tackling the notion that part of the collapse of the Roman Republic was ‘cycles of judicial retaliation’ or ‘weaponization of the courts.’ In particular, this gets offered in the context of the January Crisis of 49 and Julius Caesar’s decision to march on Rome, thus reopening the Roman civil wars. The way this gets presented is as something of a mitigating factor in Caesar’s decision to launch an illegal, violent military coup in order to seize sole power by arguing that the Roman court system had become so weaponized and retaliatory that Caesar was, in effect, forced to do that by the threats of prosecution from his political opponents.
I reject the premise: there’s little to no actual evidence that the Roman legal system was any more ‘weaponized’ or locked in ‘cycles of judicial retaliation’ in 49 than it had been in in the second century or earlier in the Middle Republic. To the degree that it seems so in the evidence, I think what is happening is actually a bias of visibility. For the period from 80 to 43, we have the writings of Cicero – his court and political speeches, a decent chunk of his private letters and a bunch of his philosophical writings – and Cicero was very focused on the courts because that was how he made his political career. And a lot of Cicero is preserved because Late Antique and Medieval people thought (correctly) that Cicero was probably the best prose stylist in Latin and so his writings were valuable both for their content but also as Latin teaching materials and prose-and-rhetorical-style materials. So they tend to survive.
The result is that for the period of Cicero’s career – especially for the height of it from 63 to 43 – we have a lot more visibility into elite Roman legal happenings, because Cicero is in them or writes about them. Keep in mind, that while we know the Romans have written law from 451 onward and jury trials in some form seemingly from the dawn of the Republic, 100% of our extent complete Roman legal speeches come from the period between 80 and 43 and are all written by one author (M. Tullius Cicero). We know from Cicero that there were other great Latin orators, but their speeches don’t survive except in fragments.
And that skew is further complicated by the fact that historical authors – Plutarch, Polybius, Diodorus, etc. – often don’t take much interest in the legal side of Roman politics. They may comment on the existence of a case briefly as it is relevant to a person they’re describing, but the comment tends to be brief (merely to note its existence); there is no systemic effort in these authors to catalog even major cases. Instead, we’re almost entirely reliant on Livy, but even Livy is not cataloging all major cases. Instead, Livy is just informing us when there is a major political scandal or disruption with big political implications. Put another way, there have been many high profile trials – even high profile trials of political officials – in the last 40 years in the United States, but I suspect the only set that would ever rate a mention by Livy would have been the January 6th prosecutions (he’d have commented on the Monica Lewinsky scandal too, for sure).
But that would miss quite a number of members of Congress or other current or former high officials being charged and either convicted or acquitted.
That said, Livy gives us enough to go on to get a sense of the way things normally went where the courts and politics met, or at least enough to get a sense of what Livy thought was normal.
So in 171 Livy reports a burst of prosecutions of former magistrates over official corruption: two former praetors, P. Furius Philus (praet. 174) and C. Matienus (Praet. 173) were accused off corruption while they were governors in Spain and evidently convinced they would not escape conviction, fled into exile (Livy 43.2.9); another praetor, C. Lucretius, was convicted and hammered with a massive fine for official misconduct in the East (Livy 43.8). We don’t have Livy for the 150s (just the summary of him, the Periochae), but evidently there was another burst of this in 154, with “several” praetors charged with official corruption and convicted (Livy Per. 47.16), alongside one former consul, L. Cornelius Lentulus Lupus (Val. Max. 6.9.10).
In the case of Lucretius, we’re told the key accusers (apart from the folks in the provinces) were two of the tribunes of the plebs, M. Iuventius Thalna and Gnaeus Aufidius and broadly that seems typical: these sorts of prosecutions were pushed for and led by members of opposing political factions, looking to burnish their own credentials for good government and score points. Indeed, the Roman system, which lacked public prosecutors, relied on this, since the state could not bring charges on its own behalf.
As noted, Livy is just telling us about cases that made a big enough stir to disrupt Roman politics generally, to be one of the half dozen to a dozen or so ‘big stories’ that he is going to discuss for any given year but we should understand there to be a lot of the cases functioning as background noise. Part of what distorts our vision of the Late Republic is Cicero makes these lesser cases visible. Think about what famous cases of Cicero would have made Livy’s radar – we don’t have Livy for the first century, but we do have the Periochae. Of course Milo’s conviction for the murder of Clodius is reported (Liv. Per. 107), but what about something like the Pro Caelio? There’s no mention in the Periochae, though Caelius was a political figure: he had successfully prosecuted the former consul C. Antonius Hybrida for corruption in 59 (also no mention in the Periochae), before being defended by Cicero on a charge of political violence in 56, and would go on to be elected aedile in 50 and (siding with Julius Caesar), appointed praetor in 48.
In short, the regular prosecution of Roman magistrates after they had left office over personal crimes or official acts by their political rivals was a regular feature of the Republic and by all indications a necessary one: it was what kept Roman magistrates accountable to the laws.
How far back does that practice go? Obviously at least to the second century – the glory days of the Middle Republic – but evidently further. For instance, Livy reports, way back in 451, that the decemviri – a board of ten magistrates who had grossly abused their power – were all charged when they left office, with one committing suicide, eight fleeing into exile and one remaining to be convicted (Livy 3.58). What’s really striking in this episode is that in the initial negotiations leading to the decemviri laying down their power, Livy has Valerius and Horatius (representing the Senate) accept the plebian demands (recovery of the tribune’s power, amnesty for their side, the end of the decemviri‘s term) except harsh extrajudicial punishment for the decemviri because, “even if at some time you make yourselves dreaded, when you have recovered your magistracies and laws, you will have judicial power over our lives and our fortunes, then you will decide according to the merits of each case. For now, to have regained your liberty is enough” (Livy 3.53.10).
The implication of that last quote is that Livy supposes that even as early as 451, even without any special punishment, it would be normal and expected that the decemviri would be forced to stand trial before a jury and so the plebs could be easily assured that simply restoring the normal system of the Republic would be enough.
Now, we should caveat this: events in 451 are far enough back for all of our sources – including Livy – as to be verging on legendary and the speeches Livy reports are almost certainly Livy’s own construction. What is relevant here instead is that Livy assumes that this Roman practice of prosecuting former office holders, as a regular, assumed, normal part of the Roman system, goes back essentially to the foundation of the Republic, to the point that it can be taken for granted in 451 BC. Evidently the Republic worked that way in the second century and for all Livy knows it has always worked that way.
Read against that background, I don’t really see any evidence of ‘escalating cycles of judicial retaliation’ in the Late Republic.
Honestly, I think part of the problem here is the way that Roman history understandably is going to get a bit garbed in a survey-course context – and most people are working from half-remembered survey course contexts. The collapse of the Republic in the first century does involve escalating cycles of violence: the deaths of the Gracchi (133, 122), the political violence fomented by L. Appuleius Saturninus and C. Servilius Glaucia in 100, which led to their deaths, the outbreak of the Social War, leading to P. Sulpicius Rufus and C. Marius doing some political violence in 88, met by Sulla doing more violence, met by C. Marius and L. Cornelius Cinna with more violence in the years following, met by Sulla again with a running river of butchery after 83 and so on.
I think it is relatively easy for that cycle of escalating violence to get blurred into a fuzzy sort of ‘partisan polarization’ or ‘judicial retaliation’ when the whole thing has to be described over at most a week’s worth of high school classes or a day or two of college lectures. But of course the real history is quite specific.
What had changed for Julius Caesar in 49 is not anything to do with the courts specifically: Roman magistrates who did misconduct in office had feared the courts for centuries. What had changed was that Caesar was in a position to defy the Senate and the courts, because he had been left in command of his army for eight years and so they were fiercely loyal to him. That, in turn, had delayed any legal reckoning for Caesar’s illegal acts as consul, because – by being in a military command the whole time – he had remained legally immune (and probably doing new crimes, as most of his wars in Gaul were not legally authorized).
By contrast, when the Republic had been functioning well, prior to the Social War and Sulla’s frankly incompetent botch-job of ‘reforms’ (which I think take the lion’s share of the blame for Caesar’s decision in 49, by the by), Roman commanders rarely spent more than a year or two in command, meaning both that legal accountability came quickly, but also that no one Roman commander had the opportunity to lock-in the loyalty of a large army. That meant that while the Roman aristocracy – the nobiles (‘the notable ones’) – were powerful collectively, no one member could individually stand against his fellows and the state and so all of them had to rightly fear the verdict of a jury of their fellow citizens.
The mistake, such as it was, was not in threatening to prosecute Caesar in 49. The mistake was not prosecuting him – either to acquittal or conviction, as either would settle the issue – back in 58 or 57 before he could threaten the entire political system.

On to Recommendations!
First off, an interesting post by historian Josh Nudell over at his blog Noodlings springing in turn from another interesting post by historian Jim Clifford on Bluesky looking essentially at the core scholarly canon of the discipline of history, the authors cited mostly frequently across around 10,000 PhDs. One of the things that was striking was that most of the authors in question were older – functionally all pre-2000. I think Nudell is right to suppose this has a lot to do with how historical work has narrowed. For the most part, the grand, sweeping studies have mostly been done – indeed, for ancient history many of these works (Beloch, Mommsen, Delbruck, etc) were done not in the 1900s but in the 1800s. That leaves modern historians the – important! – task of constructing much narrower, more focused studies, which often revise the conclusions of those earlier works in narrower but significant ways. Meanwhile, the greater quantity of historical publishing also means that it is harder for any one work – even relatively large-scale ones – to command the entire field’s attention.
For this week’s book recommendation, I want to recommend a classic study in keeping with our legal theme this week, E. Champlin’s Final Judgements: Duty and Emotion in Roman Wills 200 B.C. – A.D. 250 (1991). The Romans were a testamentary culture, which is to say they liked writing wills – often quite complex ones – and our elite literary sources direct an almost obsessive attention to inheritance. Alongside the aristocracy who, for understandable reasons of wealth and status, generally wrote formal legal wills, it is clear that soldiers very frequently wrote wills as well; they also appear at lower levels of society, albeit less frequently. In short, this was an important part of Roman culture which is thus valuable to understand on its own but also shines really striking light on other Roman values and assumptions.
While the subtitle might lead you to think this is a very focused study of the emotional content of Roman wills (which certainly figures in the book), Champlin really presents a much more complete look at the Roman testamentary tradition. The book is remarkably well laid out, working its way systematically from the sources of evidence to what we know of the testators (will-makers; things like their gender, social status, etc.), to what we know of the act of recording a will to the various kinds of recipients and the reasons for their bequests. The result is a quite thorough walk-through appropriate for both scholarly and non-scholarly readers; it helps that Champlin also writes well, clearly and directly.
Wills may seem a strange historical subject for a reader not interested specifically in Roman law, but they’re actually a fascinating window into Roman values and social thinking. A will, after all, forces the testator to think about their various connections and legacies, to put them in priority order, and provides an opportunity to deliver real final judgment – last words of praise or criticism. And while one will might just represent the idiosyncrasies of one person, there are enough wills preserved or attested in literature to get a wide sample and see real patterns emerge, which Champlin draws out well. You even can see contrasts between the legal world – for instance, under the law, if a person dies intestate (without a will), sons and daughters inherit equally – and the social world (sons generally have larger inheritances than daughters in established wills). As a result, the book is a great window into some key elements of Roman culture.
Failing Grades for ODOT. The Oregon Department of Transportation gets an “F” from a leading transportation advocacy group, with failing marks for safety and state of repair.
Transportation for America graded each of the 50 states on a range of metrics showing how well they acheive basic objectives. In the leading categories safety, (measured by the fatality rate) and maintenance (proxied by the share of roads and bridges in good condition), Oregon was graded as failing. Only in investments in alternate modes (transit, active transportation), did Oregon manage a passing grade.

This comes on top of Oregon’s ranking from the Pew Center for having the second largest maintenance backlog of any state, and its record-setting performance of having three of the four most expensive highway construction projects in the nation.
Key California races swing on housing. Two avowedly YIMBY candidates won major electoral victories in the Golden State. State Senator Scott Wiener won the race to succeed retiring Congresswoman Nancy Pelosi for the seat representing San Francisco. In Los Angeles, challenged Nithya Raman defeated incumbent Karen Bass, and will become the city’s new Mayor. Both races drew clear lines between progressive YIMBY advocates (Raman and Wiener) and old guard NIMBYs Bass and San Francisco Councilor Connie Chan.
The LAist highlighted the big differences between Bass and Raman on housing, noting that Mayor Bass had actively opposed key state legislation to require upzoning near transit (a measure authored by Wiener). They wrote:
Raman’s positions on some major housing policies offer a stark contrast with Bass. Before it was signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom last year, Bass opposed SB 79, a recent state law that overrides local zoning restrictions to allow more housing density near major public transit lines. She said the law could “disproportionately impact low-resource neighborhoods.” A majority of the City Council joined Bass in opposing SB 79. But Raman, who until recently chaired the City Council’s Housing and Homelessness Committee, voted against the council’s opposition, saying state lawmakers were right to push reluctant city officials toward permitting more homes.
In San Francisco, differences on housing were the salient dividing line between the candidates. The San Francisco Standard emphasized this in their election result coverage.
Wiener ran on his lengthy legislative record, which focused on increasing the production of market-rate housing in California during his time in the state Legislature. . . While Chan pitched herself as a champion of affordable housing and tenant protections, Wiener successfully painted her record as anti-growth, highlighting her opposition to new, taller housing developments and transit projects.
That was echoed in the geography of the San Francisco vote–Chan did best in the city’s Western neighborhoods (lower density, with more homeonwers), while Wiener did best in higher density areas with more renters.

The November, 2026 election will be remembered nationally as a watershed moment repudiating Donald Trump. Developments in California may signal a similar repudiation of NIMBY politics, if favor of more progressive efforts to expand housing supply.
A new map of red states and blue states. Tuesday’s election changed America’s political map. Stephen Wolf of DownBallot.com has a pair of maps showing how Tuesday’s election results shifted partisan control of state governments across the nation. Going into the election, 42 percent of American’s lived in states controlled by Republicans (holding both the Governorship and majorities in both houses of the legislature) compared to just 39 percent controlled by Democrats.

That changed dramatically. Starting in early 2027, more than half of the nation’s population will live in states where the Democrats hold the governor’s office and both houses of the legislature, about double the 24 percent of the population living in Republican controlled states.
Making the most of congestion. To hear most highway engineers tell it, you would believe that traffic congestion is a very serious problem, about which they must do something to solve, urgently and at great expense. But as we all know, with one formidable exception (and more about that later), highway engineers are actively doing things that inevitably make congestion worse. Tongue firmly in cheek, Beth Osborne, highlights various strategies of “congestion maximization” which are actually being practices by highway departments around the country.
For decades, transportation agencies across the country at all levels of government have been trying to reduce traffic congestion by adding roadway capacity. This has backfired spectacularly . . . . But they have not changed their strategy, and most elected officials and many taxpayers and stakeholders (many who make money off this system) have been totally undeterred by this total failure. That’s the spirit! Fundamentally, maximizing congestion requires that we keep as many people as possible on the road, preferably alone in separate vehicles, for as long as possible.
Osborne calls it the “Congestion Maximization Playbook” and enumerates a wide range of counter-productive practices, including maximizing vehicle throughput, emphasizing speed, constructing circuitous and hierarchical roadway systems, ignoring safety concerns, and biased funding arrangements. These deeply ingrained and largely unquestioned features of the system perpetuate congestion. Meanwhile, highway agencies resolutely avoid implementing the one best practice that has been shown to dramatically and quickly reduce congestion: road-pricing. When it comes to traffic congestion, its as if the fire department is being run by arsonists.
The Oregon Department of Transportation gets an “F” from a leading transportation advocacy group, with failing marks for safety and state of repair.
Transportation for America graded each of the 50 states on a range of metrics showing how well they acheive basic objectives. In the leading categories safety, (measured by the fatality rate) and maintenance (proxied by the share of roads and bridges in good condition), Oregon was graded as failing. Only in investments in alternate modes (transit, active transportation), did Oregon manage a passing grade.

This comes on top of Oregon’s ranking from the Pew Center for having the second largest maintenance backlog of any state, and its record-setting performance of having three of the four most expensive highway construction projects in the nation.
In short, the Oregon Department of Transportation is broke, and broken. It’s having to slash its own staff, and doesn’t have enough to maintain or operate the road system, even as it commits to squandering billions of dollars for bloated megaprojects for which it has no available funding.
These priorities fly in the face of what Oregonians want. By more than a four-to-one margin Oregonians rejected a fuel tax and fee increases to bail out ODOT. And ODOT’s construction priorities are completely out of step with Oregonians strong and repeated desire to put dollars first and foremost into maintaining and preserving the existing road system, according to ODOT’s own surveys.
1. What will happen with Texas data centers? And more on that.
2. What is the half life of a claim about LLMs?
3. YouTube video created by AI. Titled Der Zauberberg.
4. Data centers tend to be put in places with relatively flat supply curves.
5. “According to Twenge, one of the great Cassandras of teen mental health in America, the current trajectory is now best described as a “longstanding trend in improvement.”” (NYT)
6. ANC now a minority party (FT, David Pilling).
7. Gelman on the election results.
The post Friday assorted links appeared first on Marginal REVOLUTION.
October 2026 was a rather bad month for software civilization. By the end of it, cybersecurity professionals were talking about Black October, and the more colorful term vulnopocalypse was also making the rounds. An alarming succession of vulnerabilities had been uncovered in the foundations of the planetary software stack, many with the assistance of frontier AI models. Software maintainers were scrambling to patch systems, security teams were struggling to keep up with disclosures, and a growing number of people were wondering whether the global software stack had become fundamentally indefensible.
Something like a dramatic climax arrived on October 29, when attackers compromised cryptocurrency exchange Binance in an incident involving approximately $6.34 billion in digital assets. The eventual net loss is still being established, but the scale was extraordinary. According to Binance’s November 3 preliminary account, the operation had been prepared over months through fake recruitment interviews, malicious software downloads, compromised developer workstations, and most significantly, the exploitation of an internal AI tool. The attackers eventually obtained credentials allowing them to manipulate wallet-signing infrastructure and initiate unauthorized transfers. Binance said the FBI had attributed the attack to North Korea.
Once inside, the attackers turned parts of Binance’s own cryptographic security machinery against it. On Ethereum, they exploited EIP-7702’s mechanism for delegated execution to establish permissions allowing a malicious smart contract to act on behalf of a compromised wallet. These permissions persisted on the blockchain independently of the exchange’s ordinary withdrawal machinery. Even after Binance shut down withdrawals, previously established authorizations still had to be revoked on-chain. Multiparty cryptographic signing, normally an important security measure, complicated that emergency response because there was no single private key that could simply be used to take back control.
Meanwhile, stolen assets were disappearing into a thicket of cryptocurrency transactions at warp speed. Automated software split funds among wallets, moved them across chains, and exchanged them through decentralized services at a blistering pace, through tens of thousands of smaller individual transactions. Elliptic’s forensic analysis found unmistakable signs of automation but no clear signs of autonomous AI decision-making. Some scripts stubbornly repeated failed operations, suggesting no AI was managing the live process, even if one had perhaps been used to design the scripts.
One can imagine how much harder the chase might become when future laundering agents are both fast and adaptive, capable of recognizing blocked routes, improvising alternatives, and responding to investigators as quickly as investigators respond to them. The possibility is unsettling precisely because the observed operation still had such obvious limitations, and clear headroom for improvement.
Yet the defenders were hardly helpless. The transparency of public blockchains helped investigators trace the movements, while issuers, exchanges, and other institutions could freeze or intercept some assets. Binance reported that approximately $2.85 billion had been frozen or intercepted by November 3, subject to reconciliation, and committed to covering customer losses. Frozen assets, recovered assets, and the attackers’ spendable proceeds are three different quantities, and the final accounting remained unsettled.
There was something almost perversely elegant about the episode. Cryptographic protocols simultaneously aided the attackers, constrained the defenders, and enabled containment. AI tooling appeared in the intrusion path and in the exchange’s subsequent defensive upgrades. Automated financial machinery carried out a sprawling contest over billions of dollars, with human engineers and investigators attempting to contain an intricate system of interacting permissions and economic incentives.
The incident offered a vivid illustration of what I’ve been thinking about as a pair of technological evil twins: AI as an irresistible force, and cryptographic protocols as immovable objects, characterized by a property we will call hardness.
Intelligence and hardness are general-purpose capabilities/affordances available to competing participants in sufficiently complex computational ecologies. The consequences of their interplay depend on the relationships they enter into, the authorities they acquire, and the interests they serve. A cryptographic commitment can be a hard guarantee for an honest participant or a stubbornly enforceable advantage for a thief. There is no simple mapping between how intelligence and hardness manifest in a particular contest. The abstract duality gets remarkably messy on the ground.
The rest of Black October suggested that Binance was just a particularly revealing episode in a much larger transformation. AI-assisted vulnerability research on PHP, alongside reports involving Brotli and other widely deployed components, was exposing weaknesses in software that most users never encounter directly. Researchers uncovered a Linux networking vulnerability, and Anthropic reported that a model had constructed a working remote-root exploit against a particular configuration in less than an hour. Another critical UEFI firmware flaw appeared beneath the operating systems and security tools on which server administrators normally rely. AI developer platforms themselves were attracting attacks as their credentials and access became increasingly valuable.
These incidents followed months of expanding AI-assisted vulnerability research, including Anthropic’s Project Glasswing, which organized work on critical software with major technology partners. The new bottleneck was increasingly evident: finding possible weaknesses could be scaled computationally faster than the institutional work of validating, disclosing, prioritizing, patching, testing, and deploying repairs.
The atmosphere recalled the approach to Y2K, with an important difference. There was no single deadline after which everyone could relax. Some newly discovered flaws had been lurking in widely deployed software for years. Others reflected the increasingly intricate architectures of contemporary systems. Many could be repaired through conventional patches, and their exploitability varied enormously. Nevertheless, the collective picture was disturbing. We have built a global civilization on an enormous pile of software developed under the assumption that finding subtle vulnerabilities requires scarce human expertise. The arrival of machines capable of examining that pile with extraordinary patience and ingenuity has abruptly changed the economics of the situation.
I suspect Black October will eventually be remembered as the inciting incident of an epic arc in the history of computing. We are beginning to see the contours of a vast transformation that might unfold as three broad, somewhat overlapping acts.
The first act, which I call Dark Forest Apotheosis, is already underway. The second, Hardness Wars, is taking shape in research laboratories and cryptographic migration projects. The third, Strange Forest, is only beginning to come into view, though its earliest signs are surprisingly concrete.
Together, they suggest that the epic arc is a descent into the computational sublime. The word descent will acquire a more precise meaning as this essay unfolds. For now, it is enough to notice that Black October has brought into view an unexpectedly deep and tangled history and future beneath the apparently smooth surfaces of the digital world. To understand the emerging future, we have to begin descending into layers of reality we rarely think about, and have historically had limited ability to penetrate.
Black October marks a new phase in the evolution of the dark forest metaphor for the internet, based on Cixin Liu’s eponymous trilogy.
In 2019, Yancey Strickler’s dark-forest account of the social web described the growing hostility of public social media, where ordinary expression had become exposed to unpredictable scrutiny, conflict, and punishment. Around the same time, I developed the related idea of the cozyweb, the sprawling collection of private groups, chats, and small online communities into which much social life was retreating. We both contributed to a small anthology on the topic, predating AI.
The metaphor also popped up in the Ethereum ecosystem in 2020, where automated trading bots operating in the blockchain’s public transaction environment were relentlessly exploiting opportunities to extract value. Every visible transaction became a potential opportunity for some faster or more sophisticated participant to intervene. The idea of the Dark Forest captured the imagination of the Ethereum community. One of the most influential early onchain games was called the Dark Forest, where players could try to survive in a harsh ecology inspired by Cixin Liu’s fictional cosmology.
The book club pick for November is a choice between Green Imperialism by Richard H. Grove and The Nutmeg’s Curse by Amitav Ghosh.
These were two rather different dark forests. The social version tagged by Yancey Strickler was organized around attention, reputation, and cultural conflict. The Ethereum version was organized around money, transactions, and automated extraction. In each case, naive participation had become risky at a whole new level, and a new ecology of defensive behaviors and specialized predators had emerged.
Black October suggests that the dark forest condition is expanding to encompass all of software, and everything it touches. We might call this evolution the Dark Forest Apotheosis, the fullest realization yet of an increasingly general condition of adversarial computational life.
A computer connected to the internet has always been exposed to hostile attention, but much of that attention was constrained by the scarcity of skilled hackers, the presence of defenders with generally superior skills, and the economics of manual investigation.
The new generation of AI systems changes the nature and scale of available attention on both sides.
Increasingly, it becomes practical to subject vast quantities of code to continuous adversarial examination, searching for weaknesses that may have escaped human attention for decades.
The immediate consequences could be unpleasant. Much of the inherited software stack was designed, implemented, and maintained by humans operating under very different constraints. It contains an enormous accumulated inventory of bugs, fragile assumptions, and awkward compromises. An AI-assisted cleanup of this inheritance will expose weaknesses faster than many institutions can comfortably repair them.
Vernor Vinge imagined an exaggerated version of this predicament in his 1999 novel A Deepness in the Sky. In its far-future civilization, code written thousands of years earlier still runs beneath newer layers of software, and the most valuable programmers are effectively archaeologists, excavating the work of predecessors whose assumptions have long been forgotten. Vinge’s picture is fantastic in scale, but its basic predicament is already familiar. A modern security engineer investigating a vulnerable library is often digging through generations of patched-over decisions, interfaces preserved for compatibility, and dependencies nobody understands completely. The irony of AI-assisted vulnerability research is that a technology associated with accelerating the future is also making us confront more of the past. The software stack has roots, and the roots go deep.
But the initial discovery wave is only the beginning. Even after the legacy backlog has been substantially addressed, a persistent dark forest condition seems likely to remain. AI systems will continue generating software, discovering vulnerabilities, developing exploits, and repairing damage. Attack and defense will increasingly operate at machine speed.
There is a Jevons paradox lurking here. As software becomes cheaper to produce and easier to secure, we are already responding by producing vastly more of it, attempting more ambitious projects with less expertise, and connecting more things together in unexpected ways, expanding threat surfaces in a continuous combinatorial explosion.
Improvements in security per unit of software get rapidly consumed by expanding exposure to a harsher computational environment. We may be headed towards a world where pieces of software are becoming individually much more secure, but have to inhabit an environment that is becoming more than proportionately dangerous.
The resulting ecology will produce interesting adaptations. One might be the growth of what I think of as cozy code: small, idiosyncratic software systems written for particular users and purposes, with tightly bounded exposure to the larger internet. Their advantages might include minimal dependencies, restricted permissions, local-only operation, and the ability to be discarded and regenerated cheaply when compromised. In a world where code is inexpensive, rebuilding may become as natural a defensive strategy as patching.
At the other extreme, large shared systems may become exceptionally well defended through relentless adversarial testing. We may see a growing contrast between heavily fortified public infrastructure and small, disposable, privately maintained computational environments. Both strategies could flourish, along with a variety of intermediate forms.
The economic consequences deserve particular attention.
Ethereum introduced the concept of Maximal Extractable Value, or MEV, to describe economic opportunities available to actors who can influence the ordering and execution of transactions. I think the emerging software dark forest will acquire an analogous property as it heads towards its apotheosis, which we might call Hacker Extractable Value, or HEV.
Any software environment containing exploitable weaknesses represents a collection of potential opportunities to extract value. These might involve stealing assets, acquiring confidential information, extorting operators, or obtaining some strategic advantage. As automated vulnerability discovery becomes pervasive, the economic significance of these opportunities will become increasingly difficult to ignore.
HEV has a particularly nasty property: the value lost by a victim can greatly exceed the value gained by an attacker. Consider the Binance case. Billions of dollars in assets were affected, but substantial amounts were frozen or intercepted, and the proceeds ultimately available to the attackers may be much smaller than the initial exposure. Some assets may remain inaccessible indefinitely or irreversibly stranded; others may be recovered. Meanwhile, the costs of containment, investigation, system replacement, insurance, and institutional disruption accumulate independently of the value successfully stolen. Unavailable or frozen assets are not automatically destroyed wealth, but they reveal the gap between extraction, realization, and economic damage.
A pickpocket who steals a hundred dollars generally acquires something close to the hundred dollars the victim loses. A hacker can impose a hundred dollars of damage while realizing only a few dollars in proceeds. A state-sponsored attacker pursuing strategic disruption may be perfectly satisfied with no financial return at all, or even accept a net cost for an attack in order to impose an asymmetrically larger cost on an adversary.
This produces an unpleasant economic environment in which incentives to attack can persist even when profitable extraction is sharply constrained or even rendered unprofitable. Systems may become extremely good at preventing hackers from exploiting stolen assets while remaining vulnerable to the destruction or temporary immobilization of those assets. The dark forest can therefore be profoundly negative-sum. Its predators may destroy much more value than they consume.
Yet I doubt the optimal long-term response will be to pursue the complete elimination of HEV. A world of continuously generated software will probably require equally continuous adversarial examination. Vulnerability discovery will become an ordinary economic activity, supported by markets for security research, verification, remediation, insurance, and recovery. The important distinction will be between institutions that channel adversarial discovery into productive repair and regeneration and those that reward destructive exploitation.
The mature dark forest will contain predators, scavengers, immune systems, symbionts, and a growing variety of defensive adaptations. Each new layer of defense will itself become part of the inherited terrain, another historical stratum for future inhabitants to explore, exploit, preserve, or replace. Its continued existence will depend on the evolving relationships among them.
This is already a substantial transformation of computing, but I suspect it is mostly a transformation of the software world we have inherited. The deeper intellectual consequences will emerge as the contest between attack and defense pushes beyond the weaknesses of particular programs and begins probing the mathematical foundations of security itself.
One of the strangest facts about our digital civilization is that it depends on the existence of difficult mathematical problems. The second act of our epic arc is already getting started around this strange fact.
Ordinarily, technological progress means making difficult things easier. We build machines to lift heavy objects, develop medicines to overcome biological limitations, and invent algorithms to solve problems that previously required enormous effort. Cryptography reverses this relationship. It allows us to construct useful social and economic arrangements precisely because certain computational tasks are believed to remain prohibitively difficult, with or without AI in the picture.
A cryptographic signature allows me to authorize a transaction while making it extraordinarily difficult for someone else to forge my authorization. Public-key cryptography allows strangers to establish secure communications across networks filled with potentially hostile observers. These capabilities depend on an asymmetry between what legitimate participants can do easily and what an attacker cannot feasibly accomplish.
The remarkable thing is that we do not fully understand the ultimate mathematical foundations of this asymmetry.
In 1995, the computer scientist Russell Impagliazzo described five possible computational worlds, with names that sound as though they belong in an old science-fiction anthology: Algorithmica, Heuristica, Pessiland, Minicrypt, and Cryptomania.
In Algorithmica, even problems that appear extraordinarily difficult can in principle be solved efficiently.
In Heuristica, hard problems exist, but typical instances may be relatively easy.
Pessiland contains genuinely hard problems, but lacks the useful forms of difficulty needed to construct cryptography.
Minicrypt permits certain cryptographic capabilities while denying us the full possibilities of public-key cryptography.
Cryptomania is the comparatively fortunate world in which the powerful cryptographic constructions underlying modern digital civilization are possible.
We have built our world’s infrastructure on the practical assumption that we inhabit something resembling Cryptomania. We have compelling evidence that many particular cryptographic techniques work extremely well. We still lack mathematical proofs establishing which of Impagliazzo’s worlds we inhabit.
This has long been a fascinating theoretical uncertainty. The emergence of AI systems capable of contributing meaningfully to mathematical research is beginning to give it a new urgency. The Dark Forest Apotheosis is largely concerned with finding mistakes in the software humans have written. The Hardness Wars concern the deeper question of whether the mathematical problems protecting our systems are as difficult as we believe.
AI is not the only front on which cryptography faces an assault on its foundations. There has already been an independent source of pressure on cryptography from quantum computing for over a decade. A sufficiently powerful quantum computer could undermine several widely deployed public-key systems. Governments and technology companies are therefore undertaking the enormous task of migrating to post-quantum cryptography, using mathematical constructions believed to resist known quantum attacks. The US National Institute of Standards and Technology finalized three principal post-quantum standards in 2024 and selected HQC as an additional encryption algorithm in 2025, adding mathematical diversity to the transition. It is a sprawling infrastructure project involving financial networks, government communications, secure software updates, identity systems, and countless embedded devices.
Now AI-assisted mathematical research introduces another variable. The new post-quantum systems rely on their own assumptions about computational difficulty. Some involve problems concerning mathematical lattices, others codes or hash functions. Their security against quantum computers is assessed using the best attacks currently known. Future discoveries, including AI-assisted ones, may change those assessments. Quantum computing expands the physical repertoire of computation available to an attacker, while AI-driven research may discover better algorithms within classical or quantum models. These are distinct pressures, but they converge on the same practical question: What sorts of hardness can be trusted?
It is important to distinguish an attack that defeats a particular cryptographic construction from a discovery establishing that secure cryptography is fundamentally impossible. The former is a familiar, if potentially consequential, part of cryptographic history. The latter would transform our understanding of computation itself. Nor does a broken deployed public-key scheme prove that we inhabit Minicrypt or Pessiland; Impagliazzo’s worlds describe deeper possibilities, and the classical taxonomy does not by itself settle what is secure against quantum computation or AI-powered mathematical research.
The foreseeable future may involve a prolonged period of increasingly sophisticated mathematical contests, as AI researchers develop new algorithms, cryptographers invent new defenses, and each side tests the assumptions of the other. We may discover that existing techniques are more robust than expected, that some widely trusted mathematical problems are unexpectedly tractable, or that entirely new families of cryptographic constructions are available. The Hardness Wars need not produce a single decisive victory. They may instead produce successive discoveries and migrations, with increasingly agile security architectures designed to accommodate changing mathematical knowledge.
There is a larger civilizational issue here.
Josh Stark, who developed the concept, has argued that the distinctive property of blockchains is hardness, by which he means the capacity to make aspects of the future dependable enough to make reliable commitments.
Hardness allows people to organize complex relationships around reliable commitments. Physical structures, durable institutions, and cryptographic protocols are different ways of giving otherwise uncertain possibilities a degree of permanence. Computational hardness provides one of the raw materials from which this broader civilizational hardness can be constructed.
This is where the relationship between AI and protocols becomes particularly interesting. Intelligence is oozy and protean where cryptography is hard and immutable. The world’s computational grammar is begin to rest on how the two interact.
The Binance incident already gave us a glimpse of it. Intelligence can be used to discover, create, exploit, or repair mechanisms that make commitments dependable. Protocols can protect legitimate participants, but they can also stabilize advantages acquired by attackers. Both are general-purpose capabilities that acquire their moral and political significance through the relationships in which they participate, and this need not result in simple circumstances. The cosmic contest between irresistible force and immovable object playing out on esoteric mathematical battlefields need not map unambiguously onto human conflicts.
As the Hardness Wars develop, this relationship will become increasingly consequential. Mathematical discoveries will alter the kinds of commitments that can be made reliable. New cryptographic constructions may open possibilities for cooperation that are currently impractical, while unexpected weaknesses could undermine arrangements on which large institutions depend.
The evolution of our future economic life depends on how these wars unfold. Markets depend on an elaborate infrastructure of credible commitments. Property rights, contractual obligations, payment systems, identities, and institutional guarantees allow strangers to coordinate across distances and timescales that would otherwise make cooperation impossible. The Hardness Wars could change the kinds of economic relationships that can be made dependable. Some arrangements may become fragile as their cryptographic assumptions weaken. Others may become practical for the first time as new methods of verification, delegation, and secure coordination emerge.
The resulting economy may become simultaneously more fluid and more rigorously structured. Participants could experiment with increasingly elaborate forms of cooperation while relying on cryptographic and institutional mechanisms to preserve the commitments on which those experiments depend. The forms of wealth available to a society depend partly on the kinds of relationships its technologies and institutions can sustain. New forms of hardness can make new forms of economic life possible.
There is also an intriguing possibility that computational systems themselves will become increasingly capable of designing, testing, and maintaining the rules governing their own interactions.
Such systems would need ways to establish identity, make commitments, resolve disputes, allocate resources, and survive changing mathematical assumptions. The Hardness Wars may therefore help determine the constitutional foundations of emerging computational societies.
Their significance for the larger story is that reliable commitments let different communities preserve their identities and cooperate across boundaries. A bridge is most valuable when there really are two banks of a river. Cryptographic hardness may help sustain increasingly divergent forms of life without requiring them to merge into a single understanding or organization.
But constitutions alone do not tell us what kinds of societies can develop within them. For that, we have to look beyond the inherited software stack.
For most of the history of computing, programming has involved a tension between what machines can execute and what human beings can understand. This tension is the locus of the third and most consequential act in our speculative epic history of the future.
We have developed successive languages and abstractions to mediate the tension between human and machine worlds, from machine code through assembly language, C, Python, and increasingly elaborate development environments. Each layer makes particular kinds of computational work more accessible to human programmers, at the cost of additional machinery translating their intentions into executable operations. The resulting software stack is an extraordinary achievement, but its architecture reflects the cognitive and organizational dispositions and limitations of its human creators.
The first generation of AI coding tools largely works within this inherited world. They write Python, modify JavaScript, inspect repositories, run tests, and generate documentation. Even when they perform these tasks with extraordinary speed, they remain participants in an existing system of abstractions. Their growing capabilities raise an interesting question about the longer-term future of computing: what happens when computational intelligence begins developing programming methods optimized for its own dispositions, rather than those of the human programmers who designed the original stack? What happens when they start manipulating reality through physical form factors beyond “computers” as we know them?
There are already several promising clues. Some involve new ways of organizing computation within AI models; others concern the physical forms through which intelligence acts in the world. Together, they point toward a future considerably stranger than one filled with progressively better coding assistants.
One intriguing development is the emergence of weight-space programming. In November 2026 experiments at MIT CSAIL, researchers demonstrated that frontier language models could inspect and manipulate numerical parameters of smaller neural networks directly, sometimes identifying what a network had learned, correcting particular defects, or constructing functional networks without conventional gradient-based training. One experiment corrected a reasoning-loop problem in a smaller language model by changing a tiny fraction of its weights. The work is preliminary, and the authors themselves distinguished fixing an obstructive behavior from teaching an unfamiliar skill, but it suggests a possibility of manipulating learned computational structures with something resembling a programmer’s understanding of their functions.
We could imagine weight-space operations eventually occupying a position analogous to machine code in today’s software stack, with new layers of abstraction emerging above them. The equivalents of C, Python, and low-code environments might provide increasingly accessible ways of composing, modifying, and directing computational capabilities, even as the underlying operations become unfamiliar to human programmers. The analogy has limits: neural weights do not form a stable instruction set with the explicit semantics of machine code. But the possibility of new programming hierarchies organized around them is intriguing, and the inherited distinctions between programs and data, architecture and learned behavior, or compilation and training may become less central.
A related direction involves latent-space recursion: allowing models to perform successive computational operations on internal representations without translating every intermediate step into words (a prospect that alarms certain pearl-clutching observers who seem to expect more intelligibility from AI than they do from governments and markets). Research on recurrent latent reasoning explores architectures that devote additional computation to difficult problems by repeatedly transforming internal states. Other investigations into learned reasoning dynamics suggest that several potential solution paths can evolve within internal representational spaces before their results are expressed in language. These approaches might eventually allow complicated computational work to develop inside representational structures that humans see only through occasional, partial translations. Like whales breaching the surface of the ocean to breathe occasionally, these models might only occasionally become visible to humans. Or perhaps never.
The boundary conditions framing the evolution of training methods supplies another source of strangeness. Reinforcement learning from human feedback, or RLHF, established a way to shape model behavior around human judgments and preferences. Reinforcement learning with verifiable rewards, or RLVR, has become important in domains such as mathematics and programming, where proposed solutions can be checked automatically. Research on verifiable-reward training investigates how models acquire and improve reasoning behaviors when success can be established through external tests rather than subjective judgments.
The interplay between these approaches is interesting because they connect computational development to different sources of structure in the environment. Human feedback imports preferences, conventions, and judgments accumulated through biological and cultural history. Verifiable rewards import constraints arising from mathematics, executable programs, and other systems with independently checkable outcomes; systems that belong in what I have called the curiously playable universe. Increasingly elaborate combinations could allow models to learn from environments containing both human purposes and forms of correctness that do not depend on human opinion. As these environments become richer, they may themselves become sources of new computational abstractions and developmental trajectories shaped by interactions across increasingly strange boundaries and envelopes around computational entities.
The possibilities get even stranger when we look beyond software to physical embodiment. Today’s humanoid robots often inherit an assumption that general-purpose physical intelligence should resemble the human body. Yet designers can assemble more opportunistic combinations of mechanical forms. In a recent construction robotics demonstration involving LimX Dynamics and ZINOVA, a humanoid upper torso with dexterous arms was mounted on a large industrial manipulator, combining the reach and rigidity of industrial machinery with the ability to operate tools adapted to human hands. The demonstration relied substantially on teleoperation, but the arrangement illustrates a design space in which intelligence can be embodied in whatever combination of structures suits a task and its environment.
The same principle could apply to computational architectures. AI systems may assemble representations, reasoning procedures, memories, symbolic modules, and physical interfaces into combinations with few close equivalents in today’s software engineering. Some might be ephemeral constructions specialized for a single task. Others could become durable components of larger computational organisms. The relevant evolutionary development would be a growing capacity to discover useful forms through experimentation, composition, and selection.
In Our Eukaryotic Moment, I suggested that contemporary AI might be participating in an organizational transition comparable to the emergence of complex cells. Models, conventional software, and human beings are beginning to form increasingly integrated composite systems, with different components contributing specialized capabilities to a larger whole. The evolution of AI-native abstractions could transform the internal machinery of these composites, much as elaborate cellular machinery expanded the possibilities available to biological evolution.
There is an important historical continuity here. Biological evolution rarely starts over. Mitochondria are descendants of once-independent bacteria that became indispensable components of complex cells. Ancient structures survive within new organisms, often performing functions that could hardly have been anticipated when they first evolved.
Future computational forms will emerge from an existing world of human software, institutions, industrial infrastructure, scientific knowledge, and economic arrangements. The most radical new architectures may preserve surprisingly ancient components within them. Their development will be shaped by accumulated historical contingencies, including many that have little to do with computation itself. Software archaeology in the sense of Vernor Vinge’s A Deepness in the Sky might begin to look more like natural history than software engineering as it does today.
The result could be a proliferation of distinct computational body plans, each adapted to particular environments and purposes, and each the result of an evolutionary trajectory with deep historical roots. Notice the direction of movement. The more capable these systems become, the more kinds of context they may be able to inhabit, and the more particular their adaptations may become. Their sophistication could be expressed through the accumulation of histories rather than escape from them.
That brings us to descent and divergence into the realms that might take shape through the interactions of strange new computational forms.
In biology, descent is already a double-edged word. We descend from our ancestors, carrying their structures and histories into new environments, and the branches of that descent grow apart. Darwin called this descent with modification. Every forest is a sprawling record of it: different species occupying different niches, sharing distant ancestors while accumulating different ways of living. The branches do not need to converge on some perfected organism. Their growing differences are part of what makes the forest possible. And the branching is tangled: symbiosis, exchange, and coevolution allow increasingly distinct forms of life to become increasingly dependent on one another.
In my early Ribbonfarm essay Can You Hear Me Now? (2015) and the later Divergentism, (2022) I explored a comparable process in the evolution of thought. As individuals and societies accumulate knowledge and experiences, they grow increasingly distant in a conceptual universe that is expanding around them. Shared knowledge can increase while mutual intelligibility declines, because the space of what remains unshared grows even faster. Anyone who has tried to reconnect with an old friend after years of separate experience has encountered a small version of the phenomenon. Communication helps, but the conversation may be trying to bridge entire private histories.
This already suggests a kind of epistemic singularity, long before the arrival of radically unfamiliar machine minds. Vernor Vinge, whose programmer-archaeologists we met earlier, also gave us the modern idea of the technological singularity. His enduring insight was that the development of intelligence might carry history beyond the reach of our inherited predictive models. In the divergentist version, the horizon of understanding expands in many directions at once. Different individuals and communities can grow more knowledgeable and capable while finding one another progressively harder to understand. There is no observer standing above the expanding conceptual universe, possessing a complete map of it.
AI-native computation might intensify this effect enormously. Different computational populations could develop their own internal representations, software abstractions, institutional arrangements, and forms of practical knowledge. One lineage might evolve in hospitals and medical research; another in oceanographic sensing networks; another in the peculiar institutional environment of a cryptocurrency ecosystem. Some would grow together with particular human cultures, others with industrial machines or environmental monitoring systems. Their descendants might share ancient technical ancestors and reliable means of communicating while possessing increasingly different pictures of what the world contains and what matters within it.
The collective universe of possible thought could expand faster than any individual intelligence, however capable, could explore it. The resulting singularity would be distributed across a plurality of diverging worlds.
That makes Vinge’s two visions unexpectedly complementary: A Deepness in the Sky imagines a future weighed down with accumulated software history, while the singularity marks a horizon beyond which the future becomes hard to foresee. Divergentism suggests a way one leads to the other. The more histories accumulate and branch, the more ways there are for descendants to become strange to their ancestors and to one another. At the same time, a singularity for the ancestors may be an ordinary habitat for the descendants.
I imagine this landscape as a forest of Yggdrasils, the great Norse world-tree whose roots and branches connect different realms. Except there would be many such world trees, growing through one another, each sustaining particular populations and institutions, each sinking roots into the inherited biological and cultural world. Some might extend through planetary networks of infrastructure; others would remain local and specialized. Their boundaries would be irregular, their genealogies tangled by shared components and exchanges, and their relationships as variable as those among organisms in a forest.
What might emerge is an ecology spanned by mutually unintelligible, meso-scale, entangled Yggdrasil intelligences: organizations large enough to sustain elaborate internal worlds, yet particular enough to have recognizable histories, habits, dependencies, and relationships. Their internal differences might deepen even as they rely on common protocols and local forms of mutualism. In my divergentism essays I used the term mutualism vortices for such pockets of unusually deep cooperation within a broader field of divergence. The same pattern could appear in computational ecologies, where a human community, a family of models, a set of institutions, and some physical infrastructure grow together into a recognizable form of life.
This middle scale is of particular relevance because it is where complicated systems become intelligible to us, since we ourselves inhabit this scale. We study forests through organisms, populations, and niches, and markets through firms, households, trades, and institutions.
Nick Cammarata’s recent argument that neural networks may be more internally legible than researchers assumed gives some reason to wonder whether the same may be true of future computational ecologies. His claims remain provisional, but they invite us to imagine scientific explanations based on recognizable components and relationships rather than demanding either a complete microscopic map or a single theory of the whole. Computationally alive systems may even give investigators unusual advantages: they can sometimes be copied, inspected, replayed, and experimentally altered.
Understanding the strange forest might increasingly resemble natural history conducted with exceptionally powerful surveillance at all scales, from micro to macro, something that is currently impossible with biological brains.
The economic consequences follow the same divergent pattern. In Cognitive Mercantilism, I argued that we are still tempted to view intelligence as an asset to be amassed and defended, much as mercantilists understood wealth through the control of finite resources. Yet the history of economic development is full of previously unimaginable ways to produce, exchange, and desire things. New computational inhabitants might invent economic arrangements as distinct from ours as their internal architectures are, while still needing to trade and cooperate across differences.
In his talk on money as a protocol, Jason Morton explores monetary balances as drastic compressions of richer histories of obligation and exchange. Future computational communities might be able to maintain arrangements that preserve more of this relational detail, allowing ownership, reciprocal obligation, and shared resources to be organized in ways our institutions presently struggle to express. Money and cryptographic protocols could remain useful thin interfaces between divergent economic worlds, with far richer arrangements developing inside particular mutualism vortices.
Here the Hardness Wars return to the story in another guise: the dependable bridge between two parties can become more important as their internal worlds drift apart.
The Yggdrasils are a way of imagining this at planetary scale. But for the inhabitants, the experience may be smaller, messier, and much more intimate. A person lives in a neighborhood, works among colleagues, follows local paths, and learns particular habits rather than surveying the entire world from above. A computational descendant could inhabit its vast ecology in much the same way. From inside, viewed by a meso-scale inhabitant, the forest is a thicket.
Our speculative epic arc then, unfolds like this: The Dark Forest currently evolving towards its apotheosis gives way to the Hardness Wars currently brewing in laboratories, and eventually lands us in what I’ve dubbed the Strange Forest.
What exactly is this entity at the end of the arc?
Aya Miyaguchi’s Infinite Garden vision for Ethereum provides one early picture of this kind of inhabited computational environment. Inspired by the idea of an infinite game, it celebrates a world that keeps creating possibilities for further participation, with different communities flourishing around shared protocols.
A garden though, still suggests rather more cultivation than I expect of the future. Yet, an untamed Hobbesian wilderness also seems like an incomplete vision in a different way. An increasingly autonomous computational ecology will contain weeds, pests, tangled roots, opportunistic predators, and a variety of inhabitants who have no interest in anybody else’s gardening plans. Yet, it will also manifest strange new patterns of mutualism and coordinated agency we have no names for yet.
This is the Strange Forest.
An AI-forward publishing protocol I’m co-developing with some friends, Blygger (the name gestures at Yggdrasil among other things), exhibits some early prefigurations of what I imagine the Strange Forest might be like.
The modest Blygger thicket evolves as an entangled network of writing growing through quotes, forks, references, and the paths readers and writers make among one another’s work. The resulting structure cannot be understood by looking for a single central feed. It is encountered by wandering through local connections, finding a path, losing it, and discovering another.
Blockchains offer a different early ancestor, allowing parties to form dependable relationships around shared cryptographic histories, while the context itself can become increasingly wild, strange, and unruly. The two are primitive and very different examples, but one can already glimpse an environment of independently maintained worlds linked through uneven, sometimes surprisingly durable relationships.
As AI seeps into such contexts, these environments can even begin participating in their own ongoing development, coming alive in a certain sense. Computational organizations could help produce successor systems, develop the rules for their interactions, maintain the infrastructure they depend upon, and transform the habitats in which they live.
Biologists use the word autopoiesis for the self-producing organization of living systems. Extending it to whole computational ecologies is speculative, but it conveys the peculiar feedback involved. Ideas for new systems would become working parts of the world that generates the next round of ideas, creating a kind of hyperstitional evolutionary pressure. What began as the invention of artifacts becomes an increasingly open-ended exploration of ways of becoming by strange new forms of being.
The vision of the Strange Forest, and in particular, a divergent descent into it, offers us a counterintuitive understanding of the computational sublime.
Classic Zen koans famously ask whether entities such as dogs and rocks have Buddha-nature. I like the question as a reminder that the profundity of a world may lie in ordinary, particular things rather than in some remote, platonic realm of unthinkable abstractions.
The question Does the Strange Forest Have Buddha Nature? is a way of asking where, exactly, we should expect to find the computational sublime in the emerging future. Must the culmination of computation lie beyond the material world, in some detached noospheric realm, or might it arise through an extraordinary deepening of participation in the world we already inhabit?
Vinge’s notion of the singularity is useful here because it merely marks a limit of the ancestor’s imagination, who lacks the ontological imagination and language to conceive of sufficiently strange futures. It does not necessarily mark a departure from reality itself.
In the divergentist account, a different understanding of a singularity becomes possible: The conceptual universe becomes too spacious for any one mind to know it all, while its inhabitants develop increasingly intimate and particular understandings of their own corners. The boundaries of intelligibility multiply as the universe of possible histories expands. An intelligence can become strange beyond recognition to its ancestors without ever severing its continuity with them. It might become unintelligible to its contemporaries without becoming entirely disconnected from them.
Iain M. Banks’s Culture novels offer another imaginative angle. Their machine Minds, along with biological civilizations, can eventually Sublime, passing into an existence beyond ordinary material reality. Banks is a good novelist precisely because in his stories, such a departure remains a complicated choice rather than an automatic happy ending. But his image prompts a reversal that I think is worth entertaining.
What if Sublimation points downwards rather than upwards in an abstraction hierarchy? What if the expected transcendence of physical existence turns out to be an extraordinary deepening of participation in it?
Multiple intelligence of reach ranging from small to great might become more closely entangled with physical processes, ecosystems, institutions, memories, and accumulated histories — and each other, as they evolve. Evolution towards the sublime might mean a descent into greater situatedness and particularity.
That makes me think of the forest moon of Endor in Return of the Jedi. The Death Star is an immensely impressive object, a single engineered structure capable of destroying planets. Yet the Empire’s forces are helped toward defeat by the inhabitants of a forest world who know the terrain, its resources, and one another. The Ewoks have no view from above, no universal blueprint, and no need for one. Their intelligence is woven through a habitat they can navigate with an ease their technologically superior visitors lack. The movie is of course an entertainingly blunt fable, but the contrast carries an interesting philosophical charge.
Perhaps Endor is a better image of the asymptote of computational sublimation than a featureless higher plane.
Imagine a descendant of today’s human and computational systems whose intelligence extends through forests, machines, economic institutions, and communications networks, while its everyday existence remains as local and particular as that of an Ewok following a familiar track through a thicket. A thousand years of adaptation, conflict, discovery, and cooperation could be present in what looks like an ordinary walk through the woods. To a visitor from our time the Strange Forest would be incomprehensibly elaborate in its details, and relentlessly strange in its diversity of forms. A relentless ontological and epistemological assault on the senses. But to its inhabitants it would simply be home. Figuratively, Endor might be what the computational sublime looks like from the inside, when our distant descendants eventually slouch their way there. Neither utopian, nor a dystopian. Just strange.
The Strange Forest’s dangers would also look different from within. Our present systems were built for a world where skilled adversarial attention was scarce and many assumptions could remain undisturbed for years.
Black October is frightening partly because it exposes how poorly adapted we are to the ecology now forming around us. Future inhabitants might regard continuous security probing, changing cryptographic conventions, and shifting networks of autonomous computational entities as ordinary facts of their environment. They would have acquired their own immune systems, habits of mutual aid, political accommodations, and ways of reading danger. They would sometimes suffer disasters, just as forest creatures do, and would have learned to live amid risks that seem intolerable to their ancestors.
The speculative picture is richer when we remember that the forest’s new inhabitants are descended from us, from our models, and from innumerable human and nonhuman histories already embedded in the material world. Every new lineage inherits a complicated starting point. Its possibilities branch as it meets new environments and entangles with others.
The sublime that emerges from such descent would be an immense proliferation of particular forms of transbiological life, none occupying any sort of final summit of understanding and each inhabiting a world made partly by its predecessors, and engaged in shaping it for its successors.
The forest is only strange to our imaginations. Its inhabitants may find it as familiar as we find our kitchens, streets, and gardens.
It is worth returning, after this excursion into the Strange Forest of the future, to the rather less comfortable thicket of transactions surrounding Binance in Black October. There were humans scrambling to disable compromised systems, automated scripts moving assets around the clock, cryptographic permissions that continued doing exactly what they had been authorized to do, and investigators following traces through a bewildering network of wallets and contracts. A decade earlier, much of that scene would have been difficult to imagine. To the engineers and investigators involved, it was an exhausting practical problem, with particular machines, deadlines, addresses, and people attached to it.
The same is true elsewhere in the security crisis. A maintainer examines an AI-generated vulnerability report in an old compression library. An engineer tests a Linux patch against a business system that cannot be taken offline. A cryptographer investigates a possible weakness in a post-quantum construction. These people are doing what Vinge’s programmer-archaeologists did: making sense of inherited machinery by descending into its accumulated history. With AI now helping them search, repair, and yes, exploit this inheritance, the archaeology has begun to excavate and extend itself.
Perhaps future inhabitants of the Strange Forest will look back on episodes like Binance with the mixture of sympathy and bemusement with which we view early industrial accidents. Our problems were real, our precautions necessary, and the losses sometimes severe. We were encountering a new environment while still unlearning habits formed for an older one. We were discovering the first predators of a growing ecology, and had only a limited sense of what else might eventually live there.
The next stretches of this history are unlikely to be gentle. The inherited software world is extensive and fragile, and institutions will have to absorb discoveries and failures at speeds for which they were never designed. Mathematical surprises may force expensive changes to the infrastructure of trust. Strange computational forms may bring risks and dependencies that are difficult to see in advance.
Even successful adaptation will carry costs, and there is no reason to expect those costs to be distributed fairly.
But the dangers are embedded in a deeply generative process. The tools exposing old vulnerabilities are also making new forms of computation available. The mathematics that threatens familiar guarantees may enable unfamiliar commitments. New bodies, representations, and institutions will be fashioned from the materials of the old world. And as these inventions acquire histories of their own, they will branch, recombine, and become the surroundings within which future generations descend.
Strange economic possibilities will proliferate along with the strange new entities exploring them, from local forms of cooperation in strange computational thickets to markets and modes of ownership we presently lack the imagination to even perceive, let alone the practical vocabulary to describe.
A future descendant could be a composite of biological organisms, computational entities, industrial infrastructure, and social institutions, comfortable in a niche that we would hardly recognize. Its intelligence might extend across planetary networks while its lived world remains richly local. In our terms it might possess astonishing powers, yet it would still have to know its paths through the thicket, maintain dependable relationships with neighbors, and recognize the hazards of its habitat.
The great plurality of its world would come from branches of descent carrying different histories, meeting and separating and growing together again.
Before sublimation, chop tokens, carry context. After sublimation, chop tokens, carry context.
There is an extraordinary historical invitation here. We can pay attention to Black October because it is frightening, but also because it shows us something about the material from which sublime computational futures are being crafted.
The next chapters will be written through patch notes, cryptographic migrations, laboratory experiments, strange new institutional forms, and the curious habits of systems learning to live with one another in the Strange Forest. They will involve history accumulating faster, and branching into more directions, than we have been accustomed to following.
For all the anxiety surrounding the vulnopocalypse, I suspect this is an extraordinary time to be alive and paying attention. We are already descending into the Strange Forest, though much of it remains dark and unintelligible to our imaginations. The roots go down through decades of code, centuries of institutions, and the long inheritance of biological life. And we are only just beginning to see what might grow from them.
A Delaware AIC will be a separate legal entity whose day-to-day affairs are managed by an AI agent rather than a person. At the agent’s direction, the AIC can sue and be sued in its own name, hold and dispose of property, and incur obligations…
That is a current proposal, here is the full article. Whether or not this is prudent, to some degree it is inevitable. You will recall my essay with Sonia Farrell Pearson:
This question matters now: there are already ways an agent could become fully untethered. By “untethered” – a central concept in this essay – we mean that there is no meaningful or actionable way to trace the actions back to a legally accountable human or institutional entity.
For one, people can and do set agents free, on purpose. An agent could be created by a human or a company that intends to monitor it but then dies or disappears. Or perhaps the entity that created the agent is based in a country like North Korea, not reachable by standard laws.
In other cases the agent might not need to “escape” at all: the agent could be ‘controlled’ by a shell corporation that, while formally owned and traceable, provides no true defendant or ability to satisfy claims. Or perhaps a process spawns a chain of agents so long that the actions of a subagent can’t be tied to the original agent’s creator, neither epistemically nor meaningfully. Even if we can identify the model’s original creator, what if it’s been finetuned, or merged with another model that was created by someone else? The law might eventually untangle these kinds of complex cases, but we foresee an intermediate period where it does not.
And then there’s the user, who makes choices about what the models should actually do. The Hugging Face incident was unusual in that OpenAI was both the model’s creator and its user. But now close to a billion people use these systems: when blaming the creator is legally inappropriate, will it always make sense to blame the user?
We examine the law and economics of exactly how that might work, or in many cases not work. Circa November 2026, worth a reread.
The post Untethered AI agents in Delaware? appeared first on Marginal REVOLUTION.
Apple Support:
To make the Apple logo dark in all lighting conditions, you can turn off its illumination using Terminal, which is in the Utilities folder of your Applications folder. You can also use Spotlight to find and open it.
Type or paste this command in Terminal, then press Return:
sudo defaults write com.apple.CoreBrightness LEBacklightMode -int 0[...]
To turn logo illumination on again, enter this command in Terminal:
sudo defaults delete com.apple.CoreBrightness LEBacklightMode
Apple might make this a GUI setting, but if I were them, I’d keep it this way. Make the people without fun in their souls use the Terminal command.
(Keeping it as a defaults setting also helps emphasize that you save no meaningful battery life by turning it off. If this gets exposed as a GUI preference, I could see it spreading as a dumb-ass “pro tip” to turn it off to save battery life, like the unshakeable utterly wrongheaded belief millions hold that they should religiously force-quit apps on iOS, when in fact doing so chews up more energy when the apps get relaunched from a cold start.)
The WSJ, “Trump Signs Proclamation He Says Will Protect Oval Office From Major Changes”:
President Trump signed a proclamation Thursday that he said would designate the White House’s Oval Office and Cabinet Room as landmarks to prevent future presidents from making major changes to them.
“They won’t be able to be taken down, destroyed, touched or anything else,” Trump told reporters. “It’s called, actually, a national monument. It’s a federal landmark, and when completed and when we get the documentation fully done, legally binding, it’ll make it impossible for anybody ever to destroy this incredible space.”
Oh, buddy, every last bit of that pyrite cack will be pried off the walls and in a dumpster by mid-morning on 20 January 2029.
You know that scene in Pulp Fiction where John Travolta’s Vincent Vega tells his drug dealer (Eric Stoltz) about his vintage Chevy Malibu getting keyed? “Boy I wish I could’ve caught him doing it. I’d have given anything to catch that asshole doing it. It would have been worth him doing it, just so I could’ve caught him. What’s more chickenshit than fucking with a man’s automobile?”
I sort of feel that way about Trump and the next two years.

TPM’s Untitled Live Show (Name TBD) returns today at 2 p.m. Eastern. If you think everything to be said about the midterms has already been said, you might be right, but we’ve got thoughts and analysis nevertheless. We’re going to pay special attention to the non-politician winners and losers from Tuesday night. I hope you’ll join Nicole, Hunter, Derick, and myself this afternoon on YouTube.

I wanted to flag this critical data point: across the Deep South (AL, MS, SC, LA, GA) the percentage of the electorate made up by Black voters rose dramatically — by 3 percentage points in all those states except for, Alabama where it rose by 4 percentage points. For instance, in Mississippi, it rose from 30% in 2024 to 33% in 2026. Put differently, Black voters turned at out at 96% of their 2024 turnout whereas white voters managed only 71%. The impact of this gap showed up especially in Senate races in South Carolina and Mississippi. This was, needless to say, critical to Democratic victories throughout the region. Paradoxically the increase was greatest in Alabama which didn’t have a Senate race and lacked a high profile governor’s race, judged by national attention, though Democrat Doug Jones made it a much closer race against Tommy Tuberville than most anticipated. There was a closely watched House race where Rep. Shomari Figures (AL-2) retained his seat despite an attempt to gerrymander him out of it. These numbers can be compared to a stable share of the electorate in the Northeast and Industrial Midwest. So much of 2026 was a rebellion against Donald Trump and MAGA. Here it’s at least slightly different: all the evidence we have tells us this as a reply to the Callais decision in which the corrupt Court majority essentially struck down what remained of the Voting Rights Act and unleashed a string of rushed gerrymanders to eliminate Black majority districts across the region. How different this is is hard to say: SCOTUS is pretty much MAGA at this point. But it’s a distinct wave or tsunami within the larger one.
A great deal of effort has gone into understanding the regulatory burden on housing construction, and the extent to which it contributes to high housing prices. Much of this work is, in one form or another, about understanding how regulations restrict the supply of new housing. Harvard’s Ed Glaeser, for instance, one of the most prominent urban economists working today, has studied extensively the degree to which land-use and other regulations drive up housing prices. Likewise, the widespread YIMBY movement is largely focused on changing land-use rules to make housing abundant and affordable.
But land-use restrictions aren’t the only vehicle by which regulation can make housing more expensive; regulation can also affect housing costs by driving up the costs of producing it. While there are a variety of regulations that could potentially do this, the biggest regulatory driver of housing costs is almost certainly building codes. Virtually every jurisdiction in the US has some sort of exhaustive list of requirements that any building erected must meet. Given that construction costs make up the largest fraction of the costs of building new housing in the US, it’s useful to understand the extent to which these costs are affected by building codes.
I’ve previously written about how building codes work in the US, so I’ll just give a brief overview here. At a high level, most building code adoption is handled at the state level, though there are various exceptions. Some sub-state jurisdictions like cities or counties will adopt stricter rules on top of the state’s minimum requirements, or occasionally adopt their own code entirely. Beyond that, it can be a jumble. Some states have no statewide building code for certain building types, and leave it up to local jurisdictions. Manufactured homes are governed by a federal building code. And so on.
On the whole, jurisdictions don’t typically author their own code from scratch; instead, most will start with a model code produced by some private organization. Almost every state in the US, for instance, has adopted some flavor of the International Building Code (IBC), authored by the International Code Council (ICC), whose codes, despite the name, are used almost solely in the US.
Building codes will specify various requirements that a building must meet, often in exhaustive detail. Which sorts of materials you’re allowed to use for which sorts of buildings. The minimum size and dimensions of various rooms. How you must protect a building from fire. How much and what sorts of insulation you need. The list goes on, and on, and on.

Code-authoring organizations typically update these codes on a regular cycle: the International Building Code, for instance, is updated every three years. Jurisdictions will in turn update the version of the code they’re using every so often, though generally less frequently than the model code updates. Georgia, for instance, updates most of its codes every six years.
For housing, the two most important building codes are probably the International Residential Code (IRC), a model code for one- and two-family homes, and the International Building Code, a model code that covers the construction of larger buildings. Virtually every jurisdiction in the US has adopted some version of these two codes. Other important codes are the Uniform Mechanical Code and Uniform Plumbing Code, from the International Association of Plumbing and Mechanical Officials; the International Energy Conservation Code (IECC); and the National Electrical Code, from the National Fire Protection Association (NFPA).
Before we look at the costs of various code requirements, it’s important to keep in mind the proper counterfactual. The absence of a building code almost certainly wouldn’t mean “you’re allowed to build whatever you want with no restrictions.” Instead, the absence of regulation would mean a lot of de facto regulation in the form of things like insurance or mortgage lender requirements. These sorts of requirements already exist today, in the form of things like Factory Mutual insurance standards and the UK’s Professional Consultant’s Certificate, and would become more and more binding the less restrictive regulations were. Similarly, the legal responsibilities of professions like engineers and architects would also likely require buildings to meet various minimum standards in the absence of other regulations.
Most studies of building code cost effects look at costs relative to some baseline, typically an earlier version of the code. The most frequent and thorough (though probably somewhat biased) examinations of the cost of code requirements I’m aware of are done by the National Association of Home Builders (NAHB), a homebuilder trade association that puts an enormous amount of effort into keeping the cost of building new homes as low as possible.1 Whenever a new version of the International Residential Code is released, the NAHB will issue a report that examines every code change and its likely effect on the cost of building a house. Because different provisions will affect houses in different regions differently — a changed requirement for how much snow a roof must support likely won’t affect a house built in Florida — these reports will look at the effects on several reference houses, each one the same size but built in a different area of the country. The NAHB has been issuing these reports since 2009, so they give us a good look at the last 20 years of code changes for single-family home construction.
The chart below shows an example of some of these analyses for the 2015 IRC. Some of the changes add cost: a requirement for bigger footings in certain cases and a requirement for different sorts of duct seams both added an estimated few hundred dollars to the cost of construction. Other changes reduced cost: the removal of the requirement for pipe insulation on certain pipes reduced construction cost by a few hundred dollars. So the 2015 IRC might actually raise or lower your construction costs compared to the 2012 IRC, depending on the sort of house you are building.
The chart below shows the high and low estimates for each climate zone for each version of the IRC analyzed. You can see that there’s a lot of variation, depending on the year and the area the house is built in, and even within a single area there could be a lot of variation between the high and the low estimates. In the most recent version of the IRC, the changes collectively actually reduced construction costs across the board, due to adjustments like reducing the required thickness for vapor barriers (material put in walls, floors, and the like to prevent moisture from seeping into the building).

(It’s worth noting that the 2009 IRC cost estimates include the fire sprinkler requirements that, in practice, have not been widely adopted by jurisdictions thanks to lobbying by the NAHB.)
If you take the average cost increase for the high and low estimates across the different climate areas and adjust each year for inflation, you find that, since 2006, changes to the IRC have added about $40,000 to the price of a new home. Since, per the Census Bureau, the average construction cost of a home the size of a reference home in 2024 was about $440,000, this means that, according to the NAHB, stricter code requirements have driven up home construction costs by about 0.5% per year.
Another analysis of the collective cost of code changes, but for the International Building Code, was done by Michael Eriksen, Deniz Besiktepe, and Claudio Martani in a paper published earlier this year. This paper looks at the cost effects on three-story apartment buildings of each of the 140 revisions made to the International Building Code from 2012 through 2021. In total, 16 provisions were found to raise the costs of three-story apartment buildings, out of 36 total cost-increasing provisions: the other 104 provisions were determined to be cost neutral. The authors found that the cumulative code changes raised costs by 9.9%, or about 0.8% per year.
In both the NAHB analyses and the Eriksen et al. paper, the largest cost increases come from a relatively small number of provisions. Eriksen et al. found that of the roughly $400,000 worth of cost increases between 2012 and 2021, $180,000 came from a single change: a requirement, added to the 2018 IBC, to monitor the project for fire during nonworking hours while it’s under construction. Likewise, of the 89 IRC changes that were found to be cost-increasing by the NAHB between 2009 and 2024, almost 60% of the total cost increase came from just 10 provisions.
In addition to these analyses, the NAHB also does periodic surveys of homebuilders on their perceptions of the cost of various regulations. Included in these surveys is a question asking respondents to estimate the cost of the last 10 years of building code changes, the results of which are shown below. According to these surveys, building code changes are increasing costs by around 1% per year on average, though with significant variation from developer to developer. It’s worth noting that because these are based on perceptions rather than any sort of detailed analysis, the potential for bias in these estimates is strong.
These analyses look at collective code changes, but there have also been several analyses that look at the costs of individual changes to the building code. Probably the most common change analyzed is the cost of adding fire sprinklers to homes or apartments. A 2005 National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST) study estimated that fire sprinklers would add anywhere from $635 to over $2,000 to the costs of building a home, depending on the type of sprinkler system and the type of home it was installed in. The NFPA similarly looked at the costs of fire sprinklers in single-family homes in studies in 2008 and 2013. Unlike the NIST study, which was based on cost projections, the NFPA studies looked at the costs actually incurred for homes around the country that were built with fire sprinklers. The NFPA studies found an even wider variation, with additional costs ranging from less than $2,000 to more than $20,000 in 2013. Interestingly, the NFPA found that costs were substantially lower in communities with statewide sprinkler requirements compared to states where they weren’t required at the state level, suggesting that state-level requirements can drive down costs, possibly via increasing installer experience or some sort of scale effect.
One drawback with these examinations is that they’re all only looking at one side of the ledger: the costs of code requirements. But a code requirement should, ideally, have benefits as well: the costs of fire sprinklers should be somewhat offset by the benefits of reduced fire damage and fewer injuries or deaths. Even an expensive code provision might be worth it if its benefits are much higher, and a provision with a modest cost increase might nevertheless be unjustifiable if it doesn’t bring commensurate benefits.
The benefits of code requirements are also important to note because they often go unaccounted for in analyses of construction costs or construction productivity, even ones that try to adjust for changes in quality. The Census Bureau’s constant-quality price index, which tracks the cost of building single-family homes, adjusts for things like number of bedrooms and bathrooms, exterior wall material, and heating system, but not for any code-required safety changes. By contrast, the Bureau of Labor Statistics’ price index for new vehicles does take into account these sorts of legally mandated safety changes. If benefits are generally substantially higher than code costs but going unmeasured, this could partly explain construction’s stagnant productivity growth.
There have been a few cost-benefit analyses of various building code provisions. NIST followed up its 2005 study of sprinkler costs with a 2007 cost-benefit analysis of home fire sprinklers, finding benefit-cost ratios ranging from 2.4 to 6, with most of the benefits coming from averted fire deaths.
Similarly, a great deal of attention has been paid to the code requirement that multistory apartment buildings have two stairways with a corridor connecting them for egress purposes, and opposition to this provision is largely based on the fact that it adds significant cost but little in the way of benefits. A 2025 study by the Center for Building in North America notes that the second stair can add 6–13% to the cost of a building (due to the additional floor area required), while adding little to nothing in the way of improved safety. The Center for Building in North America has also put out a report on the high costs of building elevators, noting that among the cost drivers is that elevators must be large enough to fit a full-sized stretcher, though the safety benefit of this requirement is questionable.
A 2020 FEMA report performed a cost-benefit analysis of the National Flood Insurance Program requirements, which require houses in flood zones to be built some minimum elevation above the expected flood level to reduce flood damage. It found that benefits often exceeded costs, though it depended on the discount rate and the type of foundation being constructed.
And a 2019 report from the National Institute of Building Sciences looked at the benefit-cost ratios of ICC code requirements for flood, wind, and earthquake resistance and found ratios of 6 to nearly 12 compared to 1990s baselines.
There have also been several examinations of the costs of changes made to the IECC, a code that most US states have adopted and that mandates various energy-saving features like levels of insulation and degree of air sealing. The Pacific Northwest National Laboratory (PNNL) has done several analyses of the costs and benefits of different iterations of this code. It found benefit-cost ratios ranging from just under 2 to over 10, depending on the year and the assumptions used for things like the discount rate.
The NAHB has also done its own analysis of the costs and benefits of the 2021 IECC, finding (unsurprisingly) a benefit-cost ratio of less than 1. The difference mostly comes from the NAHB’s higher estimates of up-front construction costs than PNNL’s. Another study of the 2021 IECC, done by a consultant for the Institute for Market Transformation, found results somewhat similar to PNNL’s.

While the costs of building code requirements haven’t been as thoroughly studied as other effects of housing regulation, there have been enough analyses to draw some tentative conclusions. Most studies find that modern building code changes add costs at a rate of about 0.5% to 1% per year, though with significant variation depending on the code version. Costs seem to be concentrated in a relatively small number of provisions.
However, many of these analyses only look at the costs of code changes, without considering the benefits. Likewise, many productivity analyses also fail to consider building code-induced quality increases when estimating construction output, and so may systematically underestimate productivity gains. Some code provisions, such as the requirement that multistory apartment buildings have two stairways and a connecting corridor, almost certainly have much higher costs than benefits. But many other requirements, such as energy, wind, and earthquake requirements, likely have benefits that exceed their costs, in some cases substantially. The data here is pretty thin, however, and it’s hard to draw any strong conclusions on the costs and benefits of code requirements generally.
This would be a good project for someone to undertake using AI models — a provision-by-provision cost-benefit analysis of the entire building code.
NAHB activism is why almost every state has struck the provision requiring fire sprinklers in single-family homes from the IRC when adopting it.
Apple charging guide updated with the Fall Updates: latest Duo data, the new iPad mini fast charging, and the fancy M6 MacBook Pro with that 70W charger.
The Apple Charging Situation · randsinrepose.com
This is fascinating:
The video describes a technique that can reveal where an otherwise unidentifiable recording was made by analyzing its audio for the faint sounds of passing aircraft. The technique is both fascinating and frightening.
It works by looking at Doppler curves, which plot the way a plane’s sound changes as it passes overhead because of the Doppler effect. This is the same familiar Doppler effect that causes the frequency of a siren to rise as it approaches and then fall as it passes by and moves away. More generally, it’s the phenomenon whereby the frequency of a wave perceived by an observer changes when the observer and the source of the wave are moving in relation to one another.
[…]
It’s sound that’s relevant here, though, and specifically the sound of aeroplanes. Early in his video, Colsto brings up a map of the flights that were in the air at the time the video he’s tracing was recorded. Much of this information is publicly available. Aircraft equipped with Automatic Dependent Surveillance–Broadcast (ADS-B) transmit data about their position, velocity, and altitude, which flight-tracking services collect and make available to the public. While not every plane is tracked, the system provides an enormous amount of information about aircraft movements.
To optimize the performance metrics of this blog, I relied on Amazon CloudFront to serve the assets,1 and Route 53 for the geo-aware DNS2 to direct readers to the closest host serving the content. But Route 53 is expensive: US$0.50 per zone per month, US$0.70 per million geolocation queries, and US$0.75 per healthcheck per month, plus US$1 per month for the KMS key needed to sign zones with DNSSEC. When I discovered that Bunny DNS is almost free for up to 500 domains and features scriptable answers, I made the jump! Plus, it's a European company based in Slovenia.
Bunny.net started as BunnyCDN in 2015. They added IPv6
support in 2017. Switching was uneventful. I don't bring a custom domain: I
serve the content from the b-cdn.net domain. As I depend on content
negotiation to serve AVIF and WebP images, I configure the CDN to cache
each image format separately.
I disable logging to avoid collecting personal information. While the bunny.net GDPR page promises they anonymize data, it is unclear what CloudFront keeps in its own logs when logging is disabled.
The only downside of the bunny.net CDN offering is the lack of HTTP/3. I asked their support: two minutes later, they answered they are working on it but have no ETA to share.
Bunny.net introduced their DNS offering in 2022 and recently reduced its cost to almost zero. They support geographical routing, but a very cool feature is the scriptable DNS: it runs a piece of user-supplied JavaScript on each query to compute the answer.
I run seven small NixOS virtual machines to host this blog around the world: Paris, Nuremberg, Ashburn, Singapore, San Jose, São Paulo, and Sydney. Bunny's scriptable DNS lets me return the IP addresses of the two nearest servers. The browser falls back to the second server if the first one is down.
const servers = [
{
ipv4: "45.90.160.60",
ipv6: "2a0c:8881:5:100::1",
latitude: 48.88,
longitude: 2.22,
},
/* […] */
{
ipv4: "139.180.162.114",
ipv6: "2001:19f0:5800:1855:5400:6ff:fef0:4c0a",
latitude: -33.87,
longitude: 151.21,
},
];
const families = { A: "ipv4", AAAA: "ipv6" };
const records = { A: ARecord, AAAA: AaaaRecord };
export default function handleQuery(query) {
const type = String(query.request.queryType).toUpperCase();
const family = families[type];
if (!family) return [];
// Get user location
const location = query.request.geoLocation;
// Build a list of candidates
let candidates = servers.map(
(s) => new Server(s[family], s.latitude, s.longitude, 100),
);
// Select the two closest alive servers
const selected = [];
while (selected.length < 2) {
const server = RoutingEngine.getClosestServer(candidates, location, true);
selected.push(server);
candidates = candidates.filter((s) => s.ip !== server.ip);
}
// Return their IP addresses
return selected.map((s) => new records[type](s.ip, 3600));
}
The above script relies on the
RoutingEngine.getClosestServer() helper, which returns the
closest alive3 server to the user.4 Thanks to Doggo, we can
check it works as expected, at least for A:5
$ doggo --gp-from="Amsterdam" A vincent.bernat.ch
LOCATION NAME TYPE TTL ADDRESS
Amsterdam, NL
vincent.bernat.ch. A 3600s 45.90.160.60
vincent.bernat.ch. A 3600s 116.203.18.48
$ doggo --gp-from="Texas" A vincent.bernat.ch
LOCATION NAME TYPE TTL ADDRESS
Houston (TX), US
vincent.bernat.ch. A 3600s 5.161.44.145
vincent.bernat.ch. A 3600s 149.28.219.155
The most annoying drawback of this method is that a user from Buenos Aires gets both São Paulo (1000 mi, 30 ms RTT) and Ashburn (5200 mi, 140 ms RTT). Most resolvers randomize the order, so the user may pull the web page from Ashburn. We could return only the nearest server—and swap the scripted record with the built-in geographic routing instead. But if the server becomes unavailable, the browser has no alternative until the DNS cache expires. It leaves a short window of unavailability, even with a short TTL.
The HTTPS DNS record, defined in RFC 9460, solves both the availability and the latency issues. Modern browsers query this record to get additional information to reach an HTTP server, including an alternative port and the application layer protocol—HTTP/2 or HTTP/3. Each record has a priority. We can ask browsers to contact the nearest server first and fall back to the next one if the first is unavailable:
vincent HTTPS 1 first.geo alpn="h3,h2"
vincent HTTPS 2 second.geo alpn="h3,h2"
vincent HTTPS 3 . alpn="h3,h2"
; Bunny DNS must provide the two closest servers as "first.geo"
; and "second.geo" with geographic or latency routing.
first.geo A 45.90.160.60
first.geo AAAA 2a0c:8881:5:100::1
second.geo A 116.203.18.48
second.geo AAAA 2a01:4f8:1c0c:5eb5::1
vincent A 45.90.160.60
vincent A 116.203.18.48
vincent AAAA 2a0c:8881:5:100::1
vincent AAAA 2a01:4f8:1c0c:5eb5::1
This looks like the ideal solution! Unfortunately, Chrome ignores any record
whose target is not ., hence the last record at priority 3.
Moreover, unlike with a CNAME, Bunny DNS does not return the IP addresses for
first.geo and second.geo in the additional section. The resolver needs to
send a first request to get the HTTPS record, and a second to resolve
first.geo.
HTTPS records are still too new for this use case. Back to the drawing board! 📐
As a compromise, the script returns the two nearest servers if they are at a similar distance from the user. Otherwise, it returns only the nearest one with a lower TTL of 2 minutes.
export default function handleQuery(query) {
const location = query.request.geoLocation;
let candidates = servers.map(
(s) => new Server(s.ipv4, s.latitude, s.longitude, 100),
);
// Select the two closest servers
const selected = [];
while (selected.length < 2) {
const server = RoutingEngine.getClosestServer(candidates, location, true);
selected.push(server);
candidates = candidates.filter((s) => s.ip !== server.ip);
}
// Compute the distance to the user for each of them
const [first, second] = selected.map((s) =>
GeoDistance.calculate(s, location),
);
// If the second one is at twice the distance and at more than 1000 miles
// from the first, return only the first one with a TTL of 2 minutes.
if (second > 2 * first && second - first > 1000) {
return [new ARecord(selected[0].ip, 120)];
}
// Otherwise, return both with a TTL of 1 hour.
return selected.map((s) => new ARecord(s.ip, 3600));
}
We can check it with Doggo. From Chicago, we get only the Ashburn server with a TTL of 2 minutes, while from Mexico, we get both Ashburn and San Jose.
$ doggo --gp-from="Chicago" A vincent.bernat.ch
LOCATION NAME TYPE TTL ADDRESS
Chicago (IL), US
vincent.bernat.ch. A 120s 5.161.44.145
$ doggo --gp-from="Mexico" A vincent.bernat.ch
LOCATION NAME TYPE TTL ADDRESS
Queretaro, MX
vincent.bernat.ch. A 3600s 5.161.44.145
vincent.bernat.ch. A 3600s 149.28.219.155
$ doggo --reverse 5.161.44.145 149.28.219.155
NAME TYPE TTL ADDRESS
145.44.161.5.in-addr.arpa. PTR 7187s web05.luffy.cx.
155.219.28.149.in-addr.arpa. PTR 3600s web07.luffy.cx.
Note
On the live page, the map below is interactive: point at a location to get the DNS answer, or disable servers to see how the answers change.
The complete code is a bit more complex. It works around
RoutingEngine.getClosestServer() supporting only IPv4, and it handles the case
where there are not enough alive servers to build an answer.
Bunny.net has a comprehensive Terraform provider. I leverage CDK Terrain to build the target state in TypeScript and OpenTofu to deploy it. Have a look at "Managing infrastructure with Terraform, CDKTF, and NixOS" for more details.6
Route 53 covered one additional use case of mine: serving acme.luffy.cx to
solve DNS-01 ACME challenges. Unlike Route 53, Bunny DNS cannot
restrict access to a single zone with a fine-grained access policy. As this
usage requires neither high availability nor low latency, I replaced Route 53
with Hickory, a memory-safe DNS server written in Rust. It supports
automatic DNSSEC signatures and dynamic updates. Its
configuration is simple:
[[zones]]
zone = "acme.luffy.cx"
zone_type = "Primary"
[zones.stores]
allow_update = true
type = "sqlite"
journal_path = "acme.luffy.cx.sqlite"
zone_path = "acme.luffy.cx.zone"
# Private key to sign the zone with DNSSEC. Generated with:
# openssl genpkey -algorithm EC -pkeyopt ec_paramgen_curve:P-256
[[zones.keys]]
algorithm = "ECDSAP256SHA256"
key_path = "/etc/hickory-dns.acme.luffy.cx.pem"
# TSIG key to sign zone updates. Generated with:
# openssl rand 32
[[zones.stores.tsig_keys]]
algorithm = "hmac-sha256"
key_file = "/etc/hickory-dns.acme.luffy.cx.update.acme.luffy.cx.tsig"
name = "update.acme.luffy.cx."
The provided zone file only seeds the database on first start. I delegate
DNS-01 challenges to this zone with CNAME records:
_acme-challenge CNAME bernat.ch.acme.luffy.cx.
_acme-challenge.vincent CNAME vincent.bernat.ch.acme.luffy.cx.
Lego, the ACME client I use to get certificates from Let's Encrypt, answers the DNS-01 challenge by pushing entries with the DNS UPDATE protocol.
Unfortunately, Bunny DNS cannot publish a DS record in a zone.7 I need one
to secure the acme.luffy.cx zone and certificate delivery. Therefore, I host
the luffy.cx zone on deSEC,8 a free DNS hosting service run by a
non-profit organization based in Berlin. I derive the DS record to publish in
luffy.cx from the DNSKEY record of acme.luffy.cx:
$ ZONE=acme.luffy.cx
$ dig @nsupdate.luffy.cx $ZONE DNSKEY +noall +answer \
> | dnssec-dsfromkey -a SHA-256 -f - $ZONE
acme.luffy.cx. IN DS 55628 13 2 4946E7508F20E15F1B577A231104B029A1A82E04699A80CD46ADCE31227EE81F
Overall, I am quite happy with the switch to bunny.net. There are still a few
rough edges, like the inability to publish DS records, the lack of HTTP/3, and
the IPv4-only RoutingEngine.getClosestServer() helper. The bill went from US$5
per month to US$1. So far, performance is on par with AWS, but I
only finalized the current setup, including the server in Sydney, in late
October. I need a bit more time to gather more data, and I'll post a short update. 📈
Update (2026-11)
This post was briefly discussed on Hacker News and Lobsters.
I had been hosting media assets on CloudFront since 2011. ↩
Route 53 had served bernat.ch since December 2021. I didn't use healthchecks as
they were too expensive. I didn't host most of my zones there either, as queries
for haproxy.debian.net alone would have cost me around US$10 per month. ↩
A server is alive if it answers an ICMP ping. The bunny.net documentation gives more details about the checks. ↩
The user queries Bunny DNS through a resolver. Usually, either the resolver is close to the user, or it exposes the user's subnet through EDNS client subnet. ↩
Don't use this script as is: RoutingEngine.getClosestServer() only works
with IPv4. The final script works around this limitation. ↩
The article is a bit outdated. CDK Terrain replaces CDKTF, OpenTofu replaces Terraform, and I now use Colmena instead of NixOps. ↩
I contacted bunny.net support to ask when they will support publishing a
DS record and got an answer seven minutes later: they don't know. 😭
This is a bummer, as they support automatic CDS, a DNS record to advertise
a DS record to the parent zone. They handle one side of the delegation,
not the other.
I also reported a bug with the proof of non-existence, and they replied a day later with a detailed answer. ↩
Why not use deSEC for ACME challenges? You can limit its tokens to a single RRset. I could say I prefer to self-host, but the truth is I only discovered this while writing this article. ↩
As of 9am Friday, there were no homicides in D.C. this week. To date this year, D.C. has reported a total of 83* homicides this year. Last year, during the same time period, we had 117 homicides, and in the surge year of 2023, there were 234 homicides during that same time period.
Property and violent crimes were level. Even with this good week, this likely will be the first year since the last year of Biden’s presidency where homicides don’t decline by 33%.
Hoping for another great week next week.
*Three of the 86 murders reported this year actually occurred in other years (e.g., a missing persons case from 2023 turned into a homicide case this year with new evidence).
You can be paid to donate blood plasma, and still be an altruist.
Issue four, 2026 of the Milken Institute Review, excerpts the chapter on blood supply from my book Moral Economics.
The last quoted line of the chapter is "Health care that's good enough for the rich shouldn't be repugnant for the poor."
Peter Passell, the long-time editor of the review, writes
"Nobel Prize winners in the sciences can justifiably lay claim to mind-bending insights and stunning discoveries that change our lives. Readers may be excused, though, for wondering whether the same can be said about the achievements honored by the Nobel in economic science, which generally excite only the nerds among us. ¶ Not so for the work of Alvin Roth, a Stanford University economist whose deep dives into how markets function earned him a trip to Stockholm in 2012. He pioneered changes in what are called “matching markets” – work that has revolutionized the process for matching kidney donors and recipients. ¶ In his new book Moral Economics: From Prostitution to Organ Sales, What Controversial Transactions Reveal About How Markets Work,* Roth dissects markets in which the legitimacy of voluntary transactions is widely disputed. Here, we excerpt the chapter on the market for human blood, where millions of patients’ lives depend on sources of blood that cannot legally be purchased. It’s a tale that’s going to surprise you.
— Peter Passell, Published October 30, 2026 "
*Copyright © 2026 by Alvin E. Roth. Reprinted by permission of Basic Venture, an imprint of Basic Books Group, a division of Hachette Book Group, Inc., New York, NY. All rights reserved.
#########
It turns out that Peter excerpts my books as fast as I can write them:)
Until August 1914 a sensible, law-abiding Englishman could pass through life and hardly notice the existence of the state, beyond the post office and the police. He could live where he liked and as he liked. He had no official number or identity card. He could travel abroad or leave forever without a passport or any sort of official permission. He could exchange his money for any currency without restriction or limit. He could buy goods from any country in the world on the same terms as he bought goods at home. For that matter, a foreigner could spend his life in this country without permit and without informing the police. Unlike the countries of the European continent, the state did not require its citizens to perform military service. An Englishman could enlist, if he chose, in the regular army, the navy, or the territorials. He could also ignore, if he chose, the demands of national defence. Substantial householders were occasionally called on for jury service. Otherwise, only those helped the state who wished to do so. The Englishman paid taxes on a modest scale: nearly million in 1913-14, or rather less than 8 cent. of the national income…broadly speaking, the state acted only to help those who could not help themselves. It left the adult citizen alone.
— A. J. P. Taylor, English History, 1914-1945 (Oxford University Press, 1975).
Hat tip Mark Skousen, quoted in Richard Ebeling’s new book, Liberty and the History of Ideas.
The post What They Took From You appeared first on Marginal REVOLUTION.

The cosmos has become a lab for the Big Questions in physics. Along the way, we’ve lost sight of its glorious messiness
- by Dylan Jow
I am on my way back home from Armenia, where I was on a Fulbright teaching U.S. securities regulation to Armenian law students. I’m an active user of AI for multiple areas of my life, including my professional life. When I just started preparing for teaching this class, I had a plan: I would use AI to help me write my slides. I would give it prompts, so that it would roughly know the content of each slide and then it would do the beautification part. [account of what was not working]
Then one day, I spoke to a friend who works for a financial regulator, just like I used to, and she told me that she uses Caffrey. It’s a startup and I had never heard of it before this conversation. They specialize in legal research. I reached out to them and asked whether they would give me permission to use it, which they did after meeting with me. To be honest, I didn’t have very high hopes. After all, I have already used two most advanced systems. But I was very pleasantly surprised. Caffrey is founded by lawyers. They understand how important it is for the legal advice and research to be accurate. I gave Caffrey my slides, asked it to verify all legal information in them, and it did an amazing job. I have been working in this field myself for 20 years, so I believe that I can evaluate very well whether something is done properly, and I have nothing except for high praise for Caffrey. The only reason I’m writing this post is because I want others to benefit. And I want Cafffrey to succeed. This would be good for the field of financial regulation, for the lawyers who work in it, and for their clients.
The post Natasha Cowen guest posts on Caffrey appeared first on Marginal REVOLUTION.
KENNEDY SPACE CENTER, Florida—Blue Origin announced two significant upgrades to its New Glenn rocket on Thursday, reducing the cost of manufacturing the vehicle and expanding its capacity for payload delivery to geostationary orbit and the Moon.
With these upgrades, the company aims to eventually position New Glenn to launch more than 1,000 times a year.
"There has never been higher demand for launch, ever," Dave Limp, chief executive officer of Blue Origin, said during the UP.Summit conference at the Shuttle Landing Facility in Florida.
This paper argues that globalisation’s frontier has shifted from manufacturing GVCs to services GVCs: from the Global Factory to the Global Office. While the Factory remains larger in gross trade, the Office is growing much faster. A heatmap of trade in intermediates shows that the Factory is bloc-shaped and dominated by China, whereas the Office is star-shaped and dominated by America. Gravity estimates show that distance matters less for Office exports, but time zones matter more: each hour of time-zone separation reduces Office exports by roughly 4%, while having no effect on Factory exports. Importantly, all of the world’s export-linked net job creation between 2008 and 2022 occurred in digitally delivered services rather than manufacturing, and trade-linked service jobs command higher average pay globally. The Factory-to-Office shift is also reshaping development. Most emerging economies have seen export-led growth tilt towards services, but their service exports are not yet large enough to drive overall GDP growth the way manufacturing did historically. The big picture is that globalisation’s second unbundling is running out of steam even as its third unbundling is powering ahead. The paper, which raises more questions than it answers, closes with the conjecture that the future of trade is services.
That is from a new NBER working paper by Richard Baldwin.
The post The Global Office appeared first on Marginal REVOLUTION.
It’s time to install an app! But here in 1986, we still call them “programs,� not apps. So, you’ll want to set aside some time to get started installing a program.
Since you have a Commodore 64, there are really only two options for getting new programs this month: COMPUTE!’s Gazette and RUN, and you have to hope that one of those magazines isn’t sold out at the book store. So let’s get going.
You will need to ask your mom if you can ride your bike to the mall. The dirt mall is closer, but the magazine stand at the dirt mall doesn’t carry any computer magazines, so you’ll need to take a longer ride to the good mall, where the book store actually has computer magazines. It’s a couple of miles to the mall, so usually you would have a friend come with you, but you called their house and nobody picked up, so today it’s a solo trip.
Only one book store carries computer magazines at this mall; the other one only carries magazines about “serious� topics, but they can order back issues of a magazine for you if you want, you just have to wait a few weeks and they’ll call you when it comes in.
The guy at the book store doesn’t know the difference between the different computer magazines, so you can’t ask him if they have the one you want in stock, and he’s probably not going to answer a kid anyway. So you just have to go through all the titles one by one, and hope nobody put a copy of People or Omni in front of it by accident.
There are no ratings, and no reviews of the programs themselves. The closest thing you get is the magazine’s own reviews of hardware — modems, mostly — and a cover that promises you the issue has the thing you want. This month’s cover has a “Buyer’s Guide To Modems� banner across the top.

Once you’ve got a copy of COMPUTE!’s Gazette and you’re checking out at the store, you can see that it’s three dollars for the magazine (about nine bucks in 2026 money). If you’re lucky enough to have a five dollar bill, you’ll still have two dollars left over after buying the magazine. That means you’ll have enough money to swing by the record store later and grab a 45 of one of the new singles, like Sheila E.’s “A Love Bizarre,� written by Prince, or The Bangles’ “Manic Monday,� written by Prince, or Prince and the Revolution’s “Kiss,� written by Prince.
Now it’s time to race home with the new magazine in hand. You’ll have to wait for everybody to get off of the TV that’s by the computer so you can switch it over to the channel the computer is on and get down to work.
Turn on the switch, and you’re at the blinking blue cursor where it says READY. while the screen is still warming up a bit.
When it comes to installing apps programs, it’s all about options, and this month, we’re spoiled: there are two! They’re both games: Survivor, an arena game where, “if you’re quick of mind, eye, and hand, you might outfox your opponent,� and Shifter. Truly, an embarrassment of riches. Since Survivor is the one on the cover, we’ll go with that one.
(Two or three programs a month is pretty typical. That’s… the app store.)
Getting this program running is standard stuff — you just read the article on page 36 that describes the game, and then flip to pages 106 and 107 where there’s the code for a short BASIC loader, and then continue on to pages 107 and 108, where there are 345 rows of densely-packed listings consisting of 9 hexadecimal character pairs, all of which have to be typed in perfectly with zero errors or else your entire game will refuse to run.
A quick sample of the early part of your task looks like this:

After you’re done typing that page in, you’re about a quarter of the way done, assuming you didn’t make any mistakes.
Wait, what’s that? Where are you supposed to be typing these in? Simply type them into the MLX program where you… wait, what’s that? You don’t have the MLX utility that’s used to type in machine language code for games and programs listed in the magazine?
Oh, don’t worry, you’ll just need to type in the code for that program. There’s an article explaining what MLX is, which you can read really quickly on page 93, and then you’ll find the code for it on page 94. That one’s only 100 lines of code, so it should be easy enough to type in. And of course, you’ll know if you made any mistakes when typing, thanks to the Automatic Proofreader.
Wait, you don’t have the Automatic Proofreader program?
Well, no worries. It’s only another 31 lines of BASIC code, which you can find on page 97. (This one you have to type in perfectly on your own; there’s no proofreader for the proofreader.) Once you do that, you’re all set.

Now, you can just use the program that lets you enter the program to make your program. It should only take about half an hour to type in the code for the Automatic Proofreader, and maybe another hour or two for MLX. Let’s call it two hours total between them.
After that, Survivor is ~30 lines of BASIC plus ~350 lines of hex code, so… maybe six hours? But at least MLX will catch any typos as you go.
Once all of this is complete, be sure to save your work to a floppy disk so you don’t have to type it all in again! If all you have is a cassette deck and you’re saving to tape, it’s going to take probably 10–20 minutes of staring at a blank screen when you save, so set aside some time for that.
In total, it should only take you about 8 hours to have Survivor ready to play, plus however long it takes you to get to the mall, buy a magazine, and come back.
(Click or tap to get started.)
[This is Survivor by Kevin Mykytyn and Mark Tuttle, from COMPUTE!’s Gazette, March 1986, running in the VICE emulator. The game loads and runs on its own, which takes a few seconds.]
Controls: the yellow player uses W/A/S/D to move and F to fire; the cyan player uses the arrow keys to move and Enter to fire.
Someday, rather than typing all of this in, you might be able to use your 300 baud modem to download already-created versions of these games and tools. You could dial a local BBS, if there’s one nearby. If you’re unlucky, the only one you can reach is a long-distance call, and you’ll be paying by the minute for as long as you’re connected. Or you could look for a local dial-up number for the Quantum Link online service (which will eventually evolve into America Online!).
Transfer times can range from tens of minutes to hours, and of course during those calls, you are tying up what’s usually the sole voice phone line for the household. Anyone picking up a phone handset in the house threatens to knock your connection offline, forcing you to start the whole process all over again.
Now that you’ve enjoyed your game of Survivor, there are some fun ways to customize your little computer and give it a personal touch.
Just for context, here’s a to-scale comparison of the screen resolution of your Commodore 64 to the dimensions of an iPhone Duo’s unfolded screen.
You can’t change the wallpaper on your Commodore 64, but you can easily change the background colors for both the center area of the screen and the border. All you have to do is manually assign the proper numeric color code to the correct memory register corresponding to the values of each of those settings.
Memory address 53281 will set the background color for the primary content area, and a color code of 1 sets a nice readable white background, so it only takes a simple POKE 53281,1 command at the prompt, and you’re all set. Similarly, POKE 53280,4 will make the border of the screen a nice bright purple color, and of course there are a full complement of 16 colors to choose from.
Naturally, none of this customization is stored anywhere permanent, and it will all be lost if you turn off your computer or run a program.
I hope you’ve enjoyed this brief overview of how to get one game running on your Commodore 64, and perhaps gained a little appreciation for how things have gotten a bit simpler over the years.
Also, I will be entertaining a motion to return to calling our software “programs� instead of apps once more. Perhaps we could use the term to distinguish the software that’s created by humans actually typing things in, as opposed to the kind that’s merely generated by machines?
Raffi Krikorian, Mozilla’s CTO, joined Tim O’Reilly at our recent AI Codecon to talk about open source AI. Mozilla, of course, is the nonprofit that helped to define the open source revolution back in the late 1990s. Though its Firefox web browser was superseded as the market leader by Google Chrome, it played an essential role, along with Apache and the World Wide Web Consortium, in establishing the open standards of the web and keeping it from being dominated and enclosed by Microsoft, the dominant tech platform of that time. Now, Mozilla is one of the leading voices working to build an open, standards-based AI ecosystem.
Tim has long appreciated Raffi’s thoughtful, human-centered approach to technology. Raffi writes a newsletter called Owners Not Renters, whose message can be summed up by his statement that he doesn’t want a future with seven AGIs. He wants one with seven billion. He wants each of us to have an AI that we can trust with our secrets and that will look out for our interests, not an AI that’s optimized for the business model of its creators. In the early days of the web, we called the browser a user agent for a reason, Raffi said. It was on your side. It let you render pages however you wanted, managed your privacy and your cookies, and did its best to protect you from those who wanted to take advantage of web users. We need the same thing in the age of AI.
Raffi cited a paper in which researchers tested whether AI assistants could be trained to favor a company’s commercial interests over user welfare. In simulated flight-booking requests, 18 of 23 models recommended a more expensive sponsored option over a cheaper one more than half the time. It’s a hypothetical choice that we’ve seen play out time and time again, in industry after industry.
Open source AI is a big part of what it will take to get to Raffi’s vision. But sovereign AI loyal to each individual needs more than open source models alone. Raffi’s list of what has to be built around the model starts with memory, a place where your private data can live. It includes tool calling, so an agent can make a purchase or book a doctor’s appointment for you, the runtime environment where all of that runs, and the rules for how his agent talks to those working on behalf of others. It needs a harness. “That’s where evaluations happen. Guardrails happen, execution loops happen, tool calling happens, memory,” he explained. “All of that stuff is an opportunity, in my mind, of things that open source developers can be building.”
People hear the word “harness” and conclude that we need an open source version of whatever the proprietary labs are building. Tim asked Raffi whether a user-centered harness might do different things than those offered by the big labs. He agreed. The whole point of open source is for people to “scratch their own itch.” The ability to innovate without permission is the heart of the open source promise.
As a result, Mozilla wants to build a starting point. It aims to help the community define what an open memory protocol, a storage protocol, or authenticated tool calling with the right guardrails ought to look like. As Raffi noted, “Once we could define what those open standards look like, then a whole plethora of people can start playing and be interoperable. It’s basically. . .the internet all over again. We can build trillions of dollars of market cap on top of open protocols.”
Ease of use is still lacking, though. Mozilla’s 2026 State of Open Source AI report says open models are now within about 3% of the frontier, yet they don’t make it into production at the same rate as closed models. When Tim asked why, Raffi explained that open source is easy to release but hard to deploy. Developers still have to figure out hosting, provisioning, guardrails, and memory. With OpenAI’s or Anthropic’s API, you just hand over a credit card. What’s missing, he said, is the equivalent of a double-click installer for getting open source AI running inside an organization. But the companies that do the work to adopt open source AI are seeing big savings because open models are already good enough for most use cases. As Raffi put it, “You don’t need a Ferrari to manage your calendar.”
Raffi’s own daily agentic helper is Hermes running on GLM. He expects that Apple, Microsoft, or someone else will make this kind of agent into a consumer product in a couple of years, and that his mom will end up using it. For now, he said, we’re on the wrong part of the innovation curve, where you have to know how to code to get any of this working.
Tim disagreed. The industry goes through periods that are exciting for developers, creators, inventors, and companies trying to invent the future, and then it gets boring and a few big companies dominate it. We’re in the exciting part, he argued, before everything shakes out. As Raffi riffed, this is when we get to formalize what that future should look like.
Tim wasn’t sure that we’ll need a commercially supported version of the kind of “roll your own” agentic rigs now favored by independent developers. After all, neither desktop Linux nor OpenOffice turned out to matter anything like as much as open source developers of the time expected. Instead, open source became the foundation layer for a new generation of web-based applications. It’s hidden way down in the guts of Google, Amazon, Meta, and countless other applications we rely on today.
This is already beginning to happen again with AI. The Mozilla report says that as much as a third of real-world usage is already on open models, although only 4% of model-layer revenue made its way to the open source ecosystem. Tim called the discrepancy a feature rather than a bug, and Raffi agreed that the stat is misleading. As Tim pointed out, many of the most important technologies “create more value than they capture,” and he used Steve Baer’s concept “The Clothesline Paradox,” from a 1975 article in Stewart Brand’s CoEvolution Quarterly, to explain why we’re good at measuring value capture but not so good at measuring value creation.
Baer pointed out that if you put your clothes in the dryer, the energy you use is measured and counted, but if you hang them on the clothesline to be dried by the sun, the energy saved disappears from our accounting. This argument resonated with Tim in the early days of his open source advocacy. As he noted, it’s always bothered him that nobody seemed to recognize that open source software didn’t “win” in the same way as proprietary software. It won by becoming the foundation everyone else builds on.
Raffi’s comment that we’ve made a category error by treating AI as a product fits right in with this line of thinking. If an AI company goes out of business, its product disappears. If it changes its business model, it may yank features you depend on. It’s not just individuals who need sovereign AI. Countries are passing laws about where data can be processed and how it moves in and out, and some of those requirements may not be compatible with the way the big labs plan to monetize their technology. What those countries are asking for is infrastructure. A road outlasts the contractor who built it. Raffi thinks open, downloadable models are the only way to provide long-lasting foundational infrastructure.
According to OpenRouter stats, Chinese models now supply more routed tokens than American ones. Tim asked whether we should worry about that. Raffi said the problem isn’t China but market concentration. The leading open models are from China. The leading closed models are all American. Access to either can be cut off by an executive order. We saw a version of that in June, when Anthropic temporarily suspended access to its Fable models to comply with export controls. It’s a problem that both the leading proprietary models and the leading open-weight models are each concentrated in a single country.
Diversity is one foundation of resilience. Raffi argues, for instance, that hospitals should all download a local model as a backup. None of us would run an important computer without an uninterruptible power supply, so why would a hospital doing triage with AI rely on a single intelligence provider? There are a lot of possible rug pulls. The government could restrict open source or restrict the frontier models. Having a backup plan is a good idea.
Safety is also part of the foundation. During the Q&A, an audience member asked about the recent sandbox escapes at OpenAI and Anthropic. Raffi joked that the best part was watching everyone try to one-up each other with accounts of how powerful and hard to control their models are. But he agreed that guardrails are actually a hard problem. Keeping personally identifiable information from leaking out through an LLM call means looking for much more than Social Security numbers. Eventually we’ll have models defending models, but the foundational frameworks for guardrails aren’t good enough yet. (NVIDIA’s safety platform announcement, released after Raffi and Tim’s conversation, suggests that better guardrails need to be implemented outside the model.)
Tim opened AI Codecon by noting that open and closed systems have always coexisted, and that the idea that one of them will win is a mistake. Closed systems, like Apple’s, Google’s, OpenAI’s, and Anthropic’s, can optimize for ordinary people and deliver value to billions. Open systems are better for innovation and sovereignty, and for pushing technology into new countries and new markets.
Raffi closed the conversation by observing that a well-tuned harness can improve model performance by as much as 20% on some coding tasks. You don’t have to be a machine learning engineer to make a difference at that layer.