Scott Beaulier interviews me, in part about Wyoming

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Gauging Interest in the iPhone Duo

Max Roberts, after looking at the list of MKBHD’s all-time most popular videos, and noting that his Duo first-look is #3, and a Duo follow-up is already at #36:

Apple enters the category and in a week it blows past every other folding video.

Now, this doesn’t translate to sales and folding phones taking over the entire smartphone market, but it does highlight a few things to me about tech and the viewers of Marques’ channel.

  1. Apple is the most popular brand Marques talks about.
  2. New products and form factors from Apple are the most popular Apple videos.
  3. When the iPhone comes in a new form, watch out.

There’s no need to overthink it. Humans are decidedly visual animals. Our brains evolved to notice and take interest in novelties. “New” will forever be the most powerful word in marketing. If something looks new, it feels new. If something doesn’t look new (like, say, the iPhone 18 Pro), it doesn’t feel new.

The Duo looks totally new.

It doesn’t matter that Samsung and Google and a bunch of Chinese companies have made foldable Android phones for a decade. Almost nobody cares. The Duo is a fucking iPhone. That makes people care.

 ★ 

★ One More Thing About the iPhones 18 Pro: the Bigger/Smaller Dynamic Island

Cleaning up my notes this morning, I realized I forgot to write about the new under-display Face ID sensor in the iPhones 18 Pro, and the corresponding change to the Dynamic Island. I just added it to my review. For those of you who’ve already read the review, here’s the new section in its entirety:

A Smaller — or Is It Bigger? — Dynamic Island

Apple moved the Face ID infrared camera under the display. It’s up in the top left, underneath the area where iOS displays the time in the status bar. This means that the dedicated black cutout for the Dynamic Island is now noticeably smaller. But it also means that when iOS is rendering the dynamic features of the Dynamic Island, it’s effectively bigger, because now iOS can draw to the left of it, where the Face ID sensor had previously occupied dedicated space. On all previous iPhones with the Dynamic Island, you can see up to two Live Activities at once in the Dynamic Island. With the iPhone 18 Pro, you can now see up to three. I don’t often have three Live Activities going at once, but sometimes I do — simultaneous sporting events, upcoming flights plus an Uber to the airport, etc. So the permanent cutout for the Dynamic Island is smaller, but the usable space for content in the Dynamic Island is now larger.

There’s a minor tradeoff with this design. Even my middle-aged eyes can see that the pixels on top of the Face ID sensor aren’t quite as sharp as those on the rest of the screen. The time of day in the status bar looks like it’s just a tad fuzzy, like the text isn’t anti-aliased correctly. No big deal, and you need to look for it to notice it.

Over the past decade, Apple has taken this design from a big notch, to a smaller notch, to the Dynamic Island, and now to a smaller cutout for the Dynamic Island. I don’t know if they’re ever going to get there, but the goal, obviously, is to eventually put all sensors under the display, creating a genuine all-display front. Putting Face ID under the display on the iPhone 18 Pro is a significant step toward that.

YouTube Changed How It Counts ‘Views’ Last Month, Inflating New Numbers

YouTube Help:

Last year, we updated how we count public views for Shorts to better capture how viewers watch on YouTube. Now, we’re aligning all other video formats to this same standard for consistency across the platform. Beginning on 8/24/2026, a view will be counted the moment a video begins to play — from the very first frame. This standard will now apply globally across all formats.

Historically, we’ve used multiple view counting systems across different formats. However, we’ve heard that creators want to eliminate this metric confusion and accurately understand their true exposure, which is why we’re making this update!

In my long take on Apple’s week ago keynote, I made mention of the higher-than-ever view numbers for Apple’s iPhone keynote and announcement. I still think interest in Apple’s September iPhone events is higher than ever, and interest in the iPhone Duo is perhaps unprecedented, but there’s no point trying to measure this objectively via YouTube view counts with this change.

 ★ 

★ The iPhones 18 Pro

Every year since 2007, Apple has debuted a new flagship iPhone. Other than the just plain “iPhone” original, they all have numbers of some sort in their name. If you make a list of them in order, it’s a bit of a marketing curiosity that the only one of the bunch whose number in its name corresponds to its generation number is the iPhone 4, which was in fact the fourth iPhone. (The “ten” in iPhone X marked 10 years, but it was the 11th flagship model.)

The iPhone 18 Pro, in fact, heralds Apple’s 20th iPhone generation:

Flagship Year Milestones
1. iPhone 2007 Holy shit
2. iPhone 3G 2008 EDGE → 3G, GPS
3. iPhone 3GS1 2009 Speed, shooting video
4. iPhone 4 2010 Retina
5. iPhone 4S 2011 Late spring → early fall release
6. iPhone 5 2012 Lightning, 3.5″ → 4″
7. iPhone 5S 2013 Touch ID, 64-bit
8. iPhone 6 2014 Plus-size option
9. iPhone 6S 2015
10. iPhone 7 2016 2nd camera (Plus only)
11. iPhone X 2017 Holy shit redux
12. iPhone XS 2018
13. iPhone 11 Pro 2019 3rd camera
14. iPhone 12 Pro 2020
15. iPhone 13 Pro 2021
16. iPhone 14 Pro 2022
17. iPhone 15 Pro 2023 Pro video, USB-C, Action button
18. iPhone 16 Pro 2024 Camera Control button
19. iPhone 17 Pro 2025 Camera plateau expands, Ceramic Shield 2
20. iPhone 18 Pro 2026

I compiled this list from memory. I had to double-check a few of the milestone notes, but I literally remember every single new flagship iPhone. And I don’t really have a particularly good memory. The fact that Apple has just incremented integers annually since the iPhone 11 makes that easier. But the iPhone is unique in this way. I can sort of do it off the top of my head with the major Apple II models: II, II Plus, IIe, IIc, IIGS.2 But I can’t do it with iPads, and I don’t think there’s even a way to make such a list for Macs.

Maybe next year Apple will commemorate the 20th anniversary with an iPhone 20 (there’s no way they’re going to call it “XX”, right? Right?). They skipped right over 9, and could do the same with 19. But the iPhone 18 Pro and Pro Max are the 20th new flagship models. That’s something.

But ... is the 18 Pro even the flagship iPhone of this generation? Apple first started launching multiple phones the same year with the “unapologetically plastic” 5C alongside the 5S. Starting with the simultaneous unveiling of the forgettable iPhone 8/8 Plus and unforgettable iPhone X in 2017, Apple has launched multiple models at different tiers each fall. But it’s always been obviously clear which iPhone was the iPhone.

This year, it’s not quite so obvious. Apple made no mention of the plain no-adjective iPhone 18 last week, and, now that I think about it, no one in the media wondered where it was. Apple never said “It’s coming early next year” and no one asked. Nor did Apple mention the year-old iPhone Air or offer even a hint that a sequel is coming alongside the 18 and 18e in early 2027.

But the 18 Pro debuted alongside the iPhone Duo. The Duo got the anchor spot in the announcement keynote. The Duo is getting the billboards. It was a pearl white Duo that John Ternus pulled from his tuxedo jacket on the red carpet at the Emmys Monday night. If it had been a burgundy iPhone 18 Pro instead, would the reporter from Deadline have screamed? Would it make a difference if someone told her the 18 Pro main camera now has variable aperture?

I do think the iPhone 18 Pro and Pro Max are the flagship iPhones this year. But I wonder if I’m biased from habit. The Duo makes this year different, unlike any other, because clearly it is the most exciting new iPhone. One week out and it feels like the most exciting new iPhone since the iPhone X nine years ago. A decade from now, if I make a list like the above with 30 years of “flagship” iPhones, might not the Duo occupy the 2026 spot?

Reply hazy, try again.

An ‘S’ by Any Other Name Would Smell as Sweet

Apple hasn’t put an “S” in an iPhone’s name since the XS in 2018, but the 18 Pro is a very S-like phone. The S models all had similar attributes: they looked nearly identical to their year-prior predecessors, and their improvements were often internal or technical. The 3GS was remarkably faster than the 3G. The 5S added 64-bit support years ahead of when observers expected mobile ARM chips to do so, and introduced Touch ID. The S years tend not to be exciting but they are workmanlike. Apple’s rigorous annual update schedule for the iPhone as a whole, and Apple Silicon A-series chips specifically, leads to compounding gains. I’ll leave it to others to benchmark the A20 Pro chip rigorously, but some quick poking around suggests that the A20 Pro is about 1.2× faster than last year’s A19 Pro for single-core CPU. And the A17 Pro was about 1.2× faster than the A16 Pro.

Year over year, that’s nice, but it’s not game-changing. But these performance gains compound. 20 percent faster, give or take, every year, and after a few years the improvement is breathtaking. And most people only upgrade their phones every few years.

But, looking back at that list of 20 years of flagship iPhones, there’s a stark difference between the first ten and the second ten. In the iPhone’s first decade, genuinely radical changes appeared every two or three years. In the second decade, there haven’t been any radical changes from year to year at all. That’s not a slag on Apple’s design chops or an accusation of apathy or laziness. It’s just the nature of a design that Apple steered toward its platonic ideal. The general form of a MacBook Pro hasn’t changed much since the Titanium G4 PowerBook in 2002 — which came right around a decade after Apple invented the modern laptop with the PowerBook 100 series.

Let’s make a list of Hall of Fame iPhone models. I’ll arbitrarily cap it at five. Pick five iPhones for the Hall of Fame (or just up to five if you want to be stingy). Here’s my list:

  1. iPhone (original)
  2. iPhone 4
  3. iPhone 5S
  4. iPhone X
  5. iPhone 17 Pro

Perhaps it’s recency bias that has me putting last year’s 17 Pro on that list. But surely some iPhone in the post-X era qualifies for the Hall of Fame. I think it’s the 17 Pro. There was a long stretch of iPhones in the last 10 years when the entire back of the phone was glass. This glass cracked, a lot. I’ve only cracked the display glass of an iPhone twice in 20 years of carrying them. I’ve cracked the back glass on a bunch of them in the last five or six years. The iPhone 17 Pro fixed this, by going to a unibody aluminum frame, reducing the glass on the back to a panel. This looks better, feels better, and is seemingly far sturdier. The full-width camera plateau is more obtrusive, obviously, than the square corner plateau of previous iPhone Pro generations, but it’s more honest — both optically and physically more balanced. The camera system is such a prominent feature of these devices that it deserves a prominent protuberance. It’s very obvious to me that this is the best hardware design of the post-X era.

The iPhone 18 Pro and Pro Max are nearly identical to the 17 Pro and Pro Max in size and shape. Per Apple’s own specs, they’re precisely the same width, height, and thickness. In my personal testing, 17 Pro cases fit 18 Pro phones perfectly, as do 18 Pro cases (included from Apple in my review unit kit) on 17 Pro phones. I asked Apple if they’re stating that 18 Pro models are case-compatible with the iPhone 17 Pro, and they are not, because the 18 Pro camera plateaus are slightly thicker this year. I measured with a digital caliper and the difference is one-tenth of a millimeter: 11.5mm vs. 11.4mm. So Apple has raised the plateau guard lip on its own 18 Pro cases by one-tenth of a millimeter. I say that’s close enough to declare that you can use 17 Pro cases on 18 Pro iPhones and vice-versa.

But zooming back in time, I just happen to have an iPhone 13 Pro next to my desk. And in broad strokes, I can’t say that the iPhone 18 Pro form factor is all that different. I do think the 18 Pro form factor is better in every single way. Just as objects in hand, there’s not one aspect I prefer about the 13 Pro to the 18 Pro. I’m glad Apple moved away from sharp corners, polished metal sides (slippery) and all-glass backs (my 13 Pro is cracked in the corner); expanded the camera plateau; and replaced the mute switch with the Action button and added the Camera Control button. But overall, these two phones, five years apart, are fundamentally similar. Familiarity may not breed contempt in this case, but it does breed boredom.

The iPhone Duo is not boring.

The iPhone 18 Pro, let’s just say it, sort of is. But it’s boring because it’s exactly like the iPhone 17 Pro — except for specific details inside the phone that are obviously better:

  • Variable aperture on the main 1× camera lens. Most users will never adjust this manually but the Camera app will use it automatically, and results will be better. Even if you don’t know squat about photography it’s rather intuitive what aperture does, just knowing that it involves an iris-like mechanism. Open wide, it lets in more light (useful in low light); closed up, it lets in less light (useful in bright light). Open apertures decrease depth of focus; closed apertures increase depth of focus. Those facts can be used to artistic effect. In manual control, the iPhone 18 Pro 1× camera offers four stops for aperture: ƒ/1.48, ƒ/1.8, ƒ/2.8, and ƒ/4.0. This is a genuine hardware breakthrough. Over the next five years or so, I expect variable aperture to expand to the telephoto and ultrawide lenses. I’m not saying iPhone camera hardware won’t continue to improve after that — I’m sure it will — but I suspect variable aperture is the last remaining “easy win”. I think every camera gain after this will be more incremental.

  • A20 Pro chip. It’s noticeably faster and more efficient. Not radically faster and more efficient. Just noticeably. This is how Apple rolls.

  • Redesigned thermal system with a much larger vapor chamber. It’s much easier to report on peak performance with benchmarks than it is to assign a score to sustained performance, but sustained performance is what matters most to users who really push their phones as computers. This could be playing games, shooting 4K ProRes video, or running local AI models. We all know the drill. You push your phone and it gets hot, and when it gets hot it slows down. An improved thermal system sounds so much like a pocket-protector-wearing nerd feature, but it really matters. I suspect that for sustained use cases, it would be more performant to have the 18 Pro’s new thermal system running the 17 Pro’s A19 Pro chip than to have the new A20 Pro chip running with the 17 Pro’s first-generation vapor chamber. But with the iPhone 18 Pro, you get both: you get the faster and more efficient A20 Pro chip and the second-generation vapor chamber thermal system. This, again, is how Apple rolls.

  • C2 cellular modem. The one and only odd spec regarding the iPhone 18 Pro lineup is that they use Apple’s own C2 cellular modem in all models worldwide with one notable exception: 18 Pro Max models sold in the United States. The regular-size iPhone 18 Pro in the U.S. gets the C2, and all 18 Pros — regular and Max — outside the U.S. get the C2. Apple isn’t explaining this oddity but I think Joe Rossignol at MacRumors deduced correctly: it’s for minimal compliance with their 2023 contract with Qualcomm, which Qualcomm promoted as covering “smartphone launches in 2024, 2025 and 2026.” I’ve spent time over the last week with both the 18 Pro and Pro Max and didn’t notice one whit of difference network-performance-wise. And there’s no easy way to measure the effect the modem has on battery life. But we know Apple’s C-series modems are noticeably more power-efficient than Qualcomm’s. If Apple had to use a Qualcomm modem in one model, in one region, it makes sense that it would be the 18 Pro Max in America. All Pro Max variants have larger batteries than the regular-size models, and the U.S. 18 Pro Max model has the very biggest battery of them all, because U.S. iPhones no longer have SIM card trays. Thus the 18 Pro Max is taking one for the team, while still delivering better battery life than last year’s 17 Pro Max. The U.S. iPhone 18 Pro Max will almost certainly be the last product Apple ever ships with a Qualcomm modem. Good riddance.

  • Photographic Styles 3 and pro controls in the Camera app. I’ll mostly leave it to better photographers than me to evaluate the iPhone 18 Pro camera system and its exclusive Camera app features in detail. But I’ll say this, before getting to a few example photos below: it’s worth separately considering the iPhone camera hardware from the iOS Camera app software. For my own personal photography, I’ve switched away from Apple’s Camera app to a mix of third-party camera apps: Halide, Not Boring Camera, and Analogue. That’s a discussion for another time, but the basic reason is that I strongly prefer a more film-like look that embraces the nature of the iPhone’s small image sensors with grain, to Apple’s overly processed digital look that compensates for the noisy small sensors by applying computational smoothing. I’m far from alone in having grown tired of the smooth over-processed look, and the optional new “Film” texture look in the Camera app — exclusive to the A20 Pro-powered iPhones 18 Pro and Duo, thus far — is a move in that direction. This makes photography using Apple’s own Camera app far more appealing to me. But the variable aperture in the main camera makes the iPhone 18 Pro camera system better for all camera apps. And if you don’t like the new film texture and optional grain from Apple’s own Camera app, it’s optional (and, unsurprisingly, off by default — by default the Camera app takes photos that look like what people expect iPhone photos to look like).

Sidenote on Camera Control

The 18 Pro is the third generation with the Camera Control button. But that button hasn’t changed at all since the 16 Pro, the phone on which it debuted. At some point in the last year, I gave up on using the Camera Control button as anything other than a simple button. I went into Settings and turned off all the features where you can soft-press it and slide your finger back and forth to adjust camera features while using Apple’s Camera app. What I found is that I kept changing things inadvertently and undesirably. It’s too prone to accidental half-presses that put it into slide-to-adjust for some setting, and because it’s an accident, my finger would start changing things. I turned that all off and I’m much happier for it. Now I just use the Camera Control button for four things:

  1. A full click of the button to jump me into the camera app of my choice. It doesn’t matter if the phone is locked, or if I’m using it for something else at the moment. I click this button and boom, I’m ready to snap a photo.

  2. Click-and-hold the button to launch the Camera app in Siri mode, for Visual Intelligence. I don’t use this often but that’s less a statement about its usefulness than it is about the fact that I just haven’t yet developed the habit of pointing my camera at something to ask Siri about it. It’s really quite useful with Siri AI in iOS 27, and even if you only use it occasionally, there’s no reason not to assign it to a long press of the button. That said, I don’t think this feature belongs in the Camera app. It ought to be a tab in the Siri app. The Camera app should be for photography; the Siri app ought to be for all things Siri, including Visual Intelligence.

  3. While I’m in a camera app, I sometimes half-press the button for AE/AF Lock.

  4. While I’m in a camera app, I sometimes use a full click of the button as the shutter. But most of the time, I still use the on-screen shutter button. The reason is something I complained about in my iPhone 16 Pro review two years ago:

    At first, though, I was frustrated by the physical placement of Camera Control. As a hobbyist photographer who has been shooting with dedicated cameras all the way back to the late 1990s, my right index finger expects a shutter button to be located near the top right corner. But the center of Camera Control is 2 inches (5 cm) from the corner. I’ll never stop wishing for it to be closer to the corner, but after a week I’ve grown acclimated to its actual placement. And I get it. I’m old enough that I shoot all of my videos and most of my photos in widescreen orientation. But social media today is dominated by tallscreen video. As Apple’s Piyush Pratik explained during last week’s keynote, Camera Control is designed to be used in both wide (landscape) and tall (portrait) orientations. Moving it more toward the corner, where my finger wants it to be, would make it better for shooting widescreen, but would make it downright precarious to hold the iPhone while shooting tall. I hate to admit it but I think Apple got the placement right. Shooting tallscreen is just way too popular. And, after just a week, my index finger is getting more and more accustomed to its placement. It might prove to be a bit of a reach for people with small hands, though.

After two years, I still think Apple put the Camera Control where it was to make it useful to people who shoot video and take photos vertically. But, proud Gen-Xer that I am, I still shoot almost all my videos and photos horizontally, and this button is too far away from the corner to be a convenient shutter button while holding the phone horizontally. So I tend not to use it. I would use it as a shutter much more often if it were as close to the corner as the Action button is to the opposite corner. I’m a little bitter about this.

Photographic Styles 3, With Film Texture and Grain

When shooting with Apple’s Camera app, iPhone 18 Pro introduces support for Apple’s Photographic Styles 3. As with previous generations of Photographic Styles, these styles are non-destructive. You can shoot photos without them and add Photographic Styles later, in Apple Photos. Or you can shoot with them, and adjust or remove them later. The non-destructive nature of Photographic Styles is essential to note. You can capture images in black-and-white, to name a conspicuous example, and go back to full color in post.

The first two generations of Photographic Styles adjust only color. Apple calls this “Palette”. Photographic Styles 3 adds Texture, with four options:

  • Standard (no texture)
  • Soft Skin
  • Glow
  • Film

The only one I’ve tried, both because I’ve only had the iPhones 18 Pro for one week and because it’s the only one that appeals to me, is Film. When you change a style to use the Film texture, there are two additional adjustments: the strength of the film-like texture (0–100), and an on/off toggle for “Grain”. Soft Skin and Glow also have 0–100 sliders to adjust the strength of those textures, but only Film has the option to add Grain. Soft Skin defaults to 88 strength, Glow defaults to 50, and Film defaults to 100. Grain is on by default when you switch to Film.

Grain, to my eyes, and based on my conversations with Apple folks who worked on it, is not a simplistic lessening of image sensor noise reduction. It’s a process that attempts to replicate actual film grain, based on a microscopic study of actual film prints from the last century. So too with the look of the Film texture, aside from Grain.

Aside from Grain (which, again, you can turn off), the most noticeable thing about the Film texture is halation. I think it’s a bit much, at least with Film at its default 100 strength. But the overall effect of Film, with and without Grain, is interesting, and at least in some cases, pleasing to me.

Here are three example photos, all of them shot using an iPhone 18 Pro, all of them developed using the Standard Photographic Style palette. The Standard palette with standard texture (which is to say no special texture) is the default style, which matches the general look of iPhone photos captured with the Camera app on other iPhone models.

First example, starting with the default look (Standard style, no texture):

Afternoon in Rittenhouse Park, Philadelphia, on lovely late summer day. A man (himself taking photos or photo) sits high atop a planter between park benches.

Here’s that same image, now with Film at 100, with Grain off:

Afternoon in Rittenhouse Park, Philadelphia, on lovely late summer day. A man (himself taking photos or photo) sits high atop a planter between park benches.

Here it is with Film at 100, with Grain on:

Afternoon in Rittenhouse Park, Philadelphia, on lovely late summer day. A man (himself taking photos or photo) sits high atop a planter between park benches.

This image illustrates what I mean about Film, at full strength, being a bit heavy on the halation. Here’s that same image, with Grain turned back on, with Film dialed back to 50:

Afternoon in Rittenhouse Park, Philadelphia, on lovely late summer day. A man (himself taking photos or photo) sits high atop a planter between park benches.

Much better. I prefer this image (Film: 50, Grain on) to the others.

Next example, a small car whose environmentally conscious owner got it in green (Standard style, no texture):

A bright green Porsche 911 GT3 in a parking lot.

Same image, with Film texture at 100, Grain off:

A bright green Porsche 911 GT3 in a parking lot.

That image helps show the effect of the Film texture, without adding any grain. Here it is with Film at 100, with Grain:

A bright green Porsche 911 GT3 in a parking lot.

I’m a grain fan myself, but in this particular image, the grain prevents the image from representing the nature of the car’s smooth green finish. A perfect example of why it’s so great that Photographic Styles are non-destructive. You might shoot with Film + Grain by default, but want to disable Grain on an image like this one after you’ve looked at it.

One last photo. This one is a picture of Carl, my favorite employee at my favorite local hardware store. I’ll start again with the default look, the Standard style with no texture:

Carl, a delightful English setter (white with black spots), sitting at attention in the aisle of an ideal local hardware store.

Now here’s the same image, with Film texture at 100, no Grain:

Carl, a delightful English setter (white with black spots), sitting at attention in the aisle of an ideal local hardware store.

And with Film at 100, with Grain:

Carl, a delightful English setter (white with black spots), sitting at attention in the aisle of an ideal local hardware store.

If you look closely at Carl’s face in those last two, with Film at 100, you’ll see what I consider unpleasant halation above his snout. Here’s the same image, keeping Grain on, but with the Film texture dialed back to 33:

Carl, a delightful English setter (white with black spots), sitting at attention in the aisle of an ideal local hardware store.

I prefer that one, by far.

OK, OK, I get it. You want another picture of Carl. Here he is with the Standard style, no texture:

Carl, sitting on a rug at a different spot in the hardware store.

Same photo, but this time with the Natural base style (my personal favorite, with Tone: -60, Color: +25), Film at 100, with Grain:

Carl, sitting on a rug at a different spot in the hardware store.

The halation around Carl’s head in that photo is undeniably distracting. It looks like the poor guy is radioactive or something. I absolutely love that Apple added this Film texture to Photographic Styles, but I think the default strength should be quite a bit lower than 100. Here’s that same image with Grain still on, but Film texture dialed back to 50:

Carl, sitting on a rug at a different spot in the hardware store.

Now that’s a good photo of a good boy.

A Smaller — or Is It Bigger? — Dynamic Island

Apple moved the Face ID infrared camera under the display. It’s up in the top left, underneath the area where iOS displays the time in the status bar. This means that the dedicated black cutout for the Dynamic Island is now noticeably smaller. But it also means that when iOS is rendering the dynamic features of the Dynamic Island, it’s effectively bigger, because now iOS can draw to the left of it, where the Face ID sensor had previously occupied dedicated space. On all previous iPhones with the Dynamic Island, you can see up to two Live Activities at once in the Dynamic Island. With the iPhone 18 Pro, you can now see up to three. I don’t often have three Live Activities going at once, but sometimes I do — simultaneous sporting events, upcoming flights plus an Uber to the airport, etc. So the permanent cutout for the Dynamic Island is smaller, but the usable space for content in the Dynamic Island is now larger.

There’s a minor tradeoff with this design. Even my middle-aged eyes can see that the pixels on top of the Face ID sensor aren’t quite as sharp as those on the rest of the screen. The time of day in the status bar looks like it’s just a tad fuzzy, like the text isn’t anti-aliased correctly. No big deal, and you need to look for it to notice it.

Over the past decade, Apple has taken this design from a big notch, to a smaller notch, to the Dynamic Island, and now to a smaller cutout for the Dynamic Island. I don’t know if they’re ever going to get there, but the goal, obviously, is to eventually put all sensors under the display, creating a genuine all-display front. Putting Face ID under the display on the iPhone 18 Pro is a significant step toward that.

Conclusion

The most exciting iPhone years are those when the new flagship screams “new”. But the best iPhone models were the ones from the S years. I only included one S model in my top-five Hall of Fame list above: the iPhone 5S from 2013.3 But that’s in some ways profoundly unfair to the S models. The iPhone XS was a much better camera than the iPhone X. The iPhone 4S introduced Siri, which was actually amazing for its time. And not only was the 3GS far better than the 3G, but the 3G was much better than the original iPhone simply for going from EDGE to 3G networking.4 I have no affection for the 3G and 3GS devices because of their plastic bodies, but as practical devices, both were great improvements.

The S years (and S-type years, even when there’s no S in the name) are low on excitement but high on practical gains. That’s the iPhone 18 Pro. The one and only trade-off compared to the year-ago 17 Pro, in my utterly subjective opinion, is that cosmic orange was an iconic super-fun color and neither burgundy nor glacier have that appeal. That’s it: orange.5 Every other difference between the 18 Pro and 17 Pro, every single one, is something that is objectively better about the 18 Pro. Faster performance, better thermals, better cameras, longer battery life.

In the first decade of the iPhone, there were so many ways to improve the hardware that changes came fast and furious. It was breathtaking and exhilarating. At the end of the iPhone’s second decade, there are no longer big obvious ways to improve. The low-hanging fruit was picked long ago, and the mid-hanging fruit might be gone now too. Performance, battery life, durability, camera quality — all of those things are important, but all of them have been raised to the level of excellence. There may well be extraordinary breakthroughs to come, the sort of breakthroughs that only appear once a decade in an established product category. Waiting for those things to happen isn’t a strategy. Apple’s strategy is to push for incremental gains across the board, every single year, year after year after year. Do that, and the experience for someone upgrading every fourth or fifth year will be exhilarating.

I didn’t review the iPhone 17 Pro until last week, when I unabashedly declared it the best phone Apple had ever made. The iPhone 18 Pro is only different from the 17 Pro in ways that make it better. Thus, it is clearly now the new best phone Apple has ever made. It’s the culmination of an entire decade of year-after-year iteration on the iPhone X’s ground-up redesign. It’s the best version of the most successful product ever made. And yet by nature of how the iPhone 18 Pro improved in the last year, it’s not exciting at all. How jaded we all are.


  1. For reasons I do not remember, I apparently never wrote a standalone review of the iPhone 3GS. Until I went looking for it to link to in this list, I didn’t even remember that I hadn’t written one. I know that I waited in line to buy one on launch day. I easily recall that it truly was a significantly faster device than the two previous models. But I never wrote a review of the 3GS. I don’t think it had even occurred to me then that “the new iPhone” would soon become an annual tradition, worth chronicling not just for years, but for decades. ↩︎︎

  2. The IIGS, coincidentally, was announced 40 years ago this week. Graphics and sound, baby — and what a keyboard↩︎︎

  3. 64-bit silicon was huge, but Touch ID really changed the game. I don’t even remember what we did before Touch ID to protect the content on our iPhones. I think I had my passcode preferences set to let me — or anyone with my phone in their hand! — unlock my phone without typing my measly 4-digit code for 15 minutes after the code had been successfully entered? In hindsight it really seems crazy. Either we forced ourselves to enter a passcode manually every single time we unlocked our iPhones, or, we left them unlocked for convenience. The three fundamental step changes in iPhone history were: retina displays (iPhone 4), biometric ID (iPhone 5S), and all-screen design (iPhone X). That’s why those are the phones I place in my Hall of Fame. And there hasn’t really been a step change like that since the iPhone X — until, maybe, the Duo. ↩︎︎

  4. The odds are pretty low that you used an original iPhone. If you didn’t, it’s hard to put into words just how slow EDGE cellular networking was. Best I can compare it to is to say that it was like a poor airplane Wi-Fi connection. Not a mid airplane Wi-Fi connection. A poor one. You could practically feel the ones and zeroes coming in, bit by bit. The best you got on EDGE was really, really slow. And we loved it. It was the Internet, away from home. And websites meant for mobile consumption were optimized for slow-as-molasses connections. Some still are. But once you tried 3G there was no going back, no matter how much better the original iPhone’s aluminum body looked and felt compared to the iPhone 3G’s plastic one. The iPhone 3G could have been carved out of a potato and I’d have switched to get 3G instead of EDGE. ↩︎︎

  5. That said, I personally bought my iPhone 17 Pro last year in deep blue, and if I buy an 18 Pro, you know I’m getting black. My review units are a glacier 18 Pro and a burgundy 18 Pro Max. I’ve spent most of the week carrying the 18 Pro Max, just to force myself to use the size I don’t usually carry. I still don’t like it, and still can’t believe how many people do. Burgundy is a very strong color that I somehow don’t have strong feelings about. Glacier isn’t so strong, and I rather like it — perhaps because it reminds me more than a little of America’s Pants↩︎︎

Notes on the Florida Senate Race

I want to flag this poll for you. It’s a poll of the Florida Senate race by St. Pete Polls, a mid-tier regional pollster. It shows appointed incumbent Senator Ashley Moody (R) and Democratic nominee Angie Nixon tied at roughly 45% of the vote. There’s not much polling of this race. There are two other recent polls, one by Change Research a respected but generally Democratic-aligned pollster, and another from Quantus Insights, a GOP-aligned pollster with an iffy reputation. Change Research had a tied race a week ago. Quantus had Moody up by eight points a bit less than a week ago.

I want to be clear that I am not predicting or expecting Nixon to win this race. What I do expect is that Republicans will likely need to fight to hold it. And that is significant in itself. There are other signs that Republicans are facing a rough political environment in Florida this year, at least one that looks very different from where Florida has been trending since 2018-20 when the state went from a GOP-tilting purple state to something approximating bright red. Yesterday, Nicole LaFond highlighted the video put out by South Florida Rep. María Elvira Salazar (R-FL) which basically had Salazar telling Donald Trump: We didn’t know you meant mass deportation when you promised us mass deportation.

We can joke about the the substance of Salazar’s video but it speaks for itself as a measure of the political climate in the state.

A few more points.

One is that if you haven’t seen much of Nixon, she’s a really strong candidate. That’s not the same as being a match for the state. Certainly no establishment Democrats in Washington would have thought a left-leaning state lawmaker who recently joined the DSA was who they wanted as their candidate. But watching her in various TV interviews over the last month or so, I would say she is far and away the most able of the whole crop of DSA member or DSA-adjacent Senate candidates this year. That’s a mix of not pinning herself to equivocating about the national DSA’s really unpopular positions — the way any good politician is able to not get bogged down discussing their less popular positions — but also explaining her positions and goals in ways that resonate with a broad cross-section of the electorate. So that is an important part of the equation.

The other question: is Florida changing its political stripes? The simple or quick answer I’d go for is certainly not. But even really conservative states will shift off their electoral baselines in a Democratic wave type environment. Even states like Kansas and Nebraska and even possibly Mississippi are looking like they might conceivably be in play. Obviously we’re not thinking these states are trending blue. That’s just what happens when Republicans are in a terrible cycle. Water pours over the standard levees and even the tall ones can give way.

Still, we should remember that some of the shifts in Florida are very recent and involve decisive shifts in what were heretofore pretty strongly Democratic parts of the state like South Florida — big shifts in non-Cuban Hispanic voters, young voters. Most people have assumed those represent an enduring realignment. But that’s never been that clear. At a national level, there was a huge amount of commentary after the 2024 election about how Hispanics, young Black voters and young voters generally were moving to the right. That was always highly questionable. It looked a lot more like dynamics specific to the 2024 election. Recent polling suggests those demographics have not only snapped back, but done so in a way that can be distinguished from Trump’s general unpopularity which is affecting almost every demographic.

I’m no expert on Florida politics. These latter points are speculative. I suspect the general trend in Florida will remain. But in this cycle, we seem to be looking at much more competitive statewide races than most people expected. It’s best to just think of that as the reality of the political moment where Trump and everyone connected to him is carrying a really heavy political burden. It’s no surprise that would happen in a state like Florida which had become consistently Republican (GOPs winning the statewide races consistently) but never deeply Republican (winning by big margins.)

I think we should put the Florida race in the not-impossible category — the kind of contest that becomes possible in a real tsunami scenario.

This is an unpaid cross promotion from our friends at Popular Information: Are you curious about what politicians are funded by major corporations? Would you like to know how money impacts important policy decisions? Would you like to peek behind the curtain of DC’s influence game? If you answered yes to any of these questions, we recommend signing up for Popular Information, an independent newsletter dedicated to accountability journalism. 

TPM VIDEO: Talking Don Jr.’s Corrupt Wedding, McConnell’s Return and Sports Stuff

Another weird week in American politics is coming to a close, and TPM investigative reporter Hunter Walker joined publisher Joe Ragazzo to talk about it. Hunter and Joe got into Don Jr.’s lavish Bahamas wedding that was bankrolled by a Russian oligarch; the, uh, not-so-triumphant return of Sen. Mitch McConnell (R-KY) to Capitol Hill; what’s going on with Major League Baseball; and the forthcoming “To Catch a Predator” movie starring Robert Pattinson.

Check out their full conversation on YouTube Live below.

We Need to Talk about AI, the ‘Rationalists’ and ‘Longtermism’

As I’ve suggested in recent posts I’m finding it quite challenging to make sense of this roiling debate about AI safety. When I write about American politics, American history and a few other topics I have a body of knowledge that I draw on and try to share with readers — explain how it might illuminate present-day questions. I may be right or wrong. But I’m speaking from a background of some real knowledge and study. When I delve into questions like AI or AI dangers I’m seldom trying to come up with definitive answers. I lack the qualifications or foundational knowledge. What I’m trying to do is first try to educate myself, but in my writing I at least try to frame the basic questions, provide a framework for considering the issue, point to what are at least good faith and knowledgable voices if not necessarily people who are “right.” But while I’m still uncertain about dangers posed by the companies doing the most advanced and often reckless research on artificial intelligence I’ve been increasingly stuck on the prominence in the AI world of people who are in the overlapping communities of “effective altruism,” “rationalism” and “longtermism”.

Just to point to the latest examples, the Journal has a write-up on Jacob Coxon, the AI researcher whose Twitter thread quite literally triggered the current freakout/reckoning. It turns out his formative years were spent in the various parts of the “rationalist” subculture in London before he migrated to the U.S.

I’ve been loosely aware of the first and the second for a while, but didn’t have much pressing need to learn more because they didn’t seem connected to much that I care about. But they’re very big in the AI world and maybe even bigger in the AI will wipe out humanity worlds. So given the global freakout getting a handle on this becomes more pressing. Just as an aside, I will note that I don’t know how the dorks operating under the “rationalism” label secured exclusive branding rights to that term. Like, rough day for Descartes and quite a few other philosophers. But I digress. What I’m going to argue here is that at least the popularized versions of what I’ll call ERL (“effective altruism”, “rationalism” and “longtermism”) is made up of a mix of absurd and nonsensical ideas. The fact that so many AI doomers are part of that world gives me a lot of pause. But we can’t go from ERL is absurd to AI is fine.

So let’s get down to it.

At its simplest and least objectionable, effective altruism holds that we should make decisions about philanthropy and the work we do in life not on the basis of emotion or sentiment but rigorous and fact-based analysis of which actions accomplish the most good. This is good advice and almost impossible to disagree with. Indeed, many people try to do this who don’t have any label but just try to make good decisions. The key is where logic and rationalism come in. As we discussed in an earlier post the “rationalists” are very focused on future extinction events and how to avoid them. And often when we say future we mean really far in the future. Like centuries or millennia or even millions of years in the future. In 2017 a Scottish philosopher named William MacAskill first used the term “longtermism” within the effective altruism movement. This was essentially giving a name to this focus on the often distant future and extinction events. (Here’s a 2022 MacAskill essay on what the terms means.)

The essence of “longtermism” is using posited future extinction events often in the very distant future as the basis of moral reasoning about the present. There’s also some alluring reasoning about numbers of people. There are 8 billion of us today. But if you consider the probable lifetime of humanity, which we’re told is around 750,000 or so years, there might be trillions of future humans whose lives are on the line on the basis of actions we take today. And what are the claims of, say, a billion of today’s humans versus the trillions of future humans because of this or that extinction event?

A central critique of this thinking is that it often leads to ethical arguments for actions that are somewhere on the spectrum between problematic and evil. That is a very important critique. I’ve struggled to get past a more elemental one. Most of these future events are little more than made up science fiction dressed up in the language of rationalism about which we know absolutely nothing. As I put it on Bluesky today, where I confess I write in a less restrained manner, “basically a movement or subculture of morons who propose novel forms of moral reasoning based on sci-fi ideas they imagine might happen hundreds, thousands or millions of years in the future.”

Perhaps not coincidentally, I first remember hearing the term “longtermism” around 2022 or 2023 when Grimes, the singer-songwriter and estranged former partner of Elon Musk commented on his apparent turn to the hard right. She said she’d never seen that in him. They just connected on mutual interest in things like “longetermism.”

In any case, humans have little ability to see more than perhaps fifty years into the future. This is a difficult argument to make theoretically or perhaps scientifically. But reading over the thoughts of previous generations, it has a lot of basis empirically. It’s a time horizon over which we have some ability to see the outlines of future technologies, artistic and cultural movements, demographic changes and more. Needless to say, literally predicting the future is completely impossible. But we can see some of the outlines over this time horizon. We have zero idea about anything 1,000 years from now. We know essentially nothing about anything 150 years from now, tens of the thousands of years from … you get the idea.

As an aside, from the Journal article I learned that it was Dominic Cummings, a key architect of Brexit who brought the “rationalist” milieu Coxon was part of into UK politics. So much for seeing much into the future.

We should further not say that those trillions of people in the future do not exist. At all. One might as well get into a conversation about the offspring you and your spouse condemned to an eternity of non-being because you didn’t have sex on a particular night, perhaps at a particular minute.

I’m not trying to get into weird, modern versions of arguments about the number of angels who can fit on the head of a pin. Indeed, I’m trying to make sure we don’t inadvertently fall into them. Most of these ideas, most of these proposed modes of moral reasoning are based on a wildly grandiose and hubristic confidence in our ability to know the future or even make exacting estimations of the time in which we ourselves live. Whatever lessons you draw or moral reasonings you make based on made up things in the distant future has to be meaningless. Because you know nothing about what is going to happen in the distant future. But that is kind of the coin of the realm in this somewhat culty ERL subculture.

As I said, these people’s weird or even suspect ideas don’t negate fears about dangers created by AI. A lot of these people are not only into “rationalism” and “longtermism,” but they’re also the ones who’ve done a lot of work on building AI. That must give them some credibility when it comes to discussing its possible dangers. But a decent amount of the skepticism about AI doomerism is based on this backstory. And even though it doesn’t mean we should discount claims about AI and existential risk we should at least factor into the equation the world view of a significant number of people making these claims. It’s not the easiest balance to draw. Because this is a version intense and polarized debate. But we should try.

Hollywood Wants the Duo

Page Six Hollywood:

Ternus attended an intimate Apple party the night before the Emmys, filled with stars and powerbrokers, where some talent brazenly hit him up for the phone.

“The new phone is big news,” said one top Hollywood exec, who added that they heard of at least one star, “asking [Ternus] to get him on the list” for a phone. Joked the source about who gets the phones: “It’s like CEOs. That’s like the ‘Eddy Cue list of illuminati.’” (Cue is Apple’s senior vice president of services and health.)

 ★ 

Testimony on the Prosperity Council Report

Testimony of Joe Cortright

Oregon Senate Committee on Commerce and General Government

 

September 8, 2026

 

Thank you, Chair Meek. Vice-Chair Drazen, and members.  I really appreciate you accommodating me remotely. I’m in Seattle, so was unable to make it to Salem today, and this is a very important meeting to me.

For the record, my name is Joe Cortright. I’m an economist. I’ve spent more than 40 years studying the Oregon economy and working in the field of economic development. I spent a dozen years as the Oregon Legislature’s chief staff person for economic development policy and in the last 30 years since then, as a national economic consultant and I spent about 20 years on the Governor’s Council of Economic Advisers. So the Oregon economy is a subject that’s very near and dear to me and one that I’ve spent a lot of time studying.

 

Senate Commerce & General Government Committee Recording (2:22)

 

And before I go through my three main points, I just want to stress that you very appropriately spent the first hour of your meeting today talking about the most important issue, which is education and workforce because that is the determining factor in economic success in the 21st century. You can explain 70 percent of the variation in economic success of across states by knowing one thing: how well educated their population is. So don’t lose sight of that. That is the most important thing. And taxes and a lot of other policies are at best secondary to that. Your critical role is paying attention to education, both educating our kids—and I think as Duncan Wyse said–building a quality of life that attracts other people to come here as well, because Oregon businesses need access to global talent.

I’d like to make basically three points.

My first point is:  Don’t panic.

I think you’ve heard a lot today and descriptions from the council of their recommendations as being at an inflection point, facing a structural challenge in the midst of a doom loop, a crisis, and that we’re not competitive with other states.

Any kind of objective look at the economic data shows that Oregon’s economy is actually very robust. To me, the critical factor is income growth over the past 15 years, Oregon has recorded the fifth fastest level of per capita income growth of any state in the United States. We have an above average level of growth in productivity and exports. We have a higher-than-average level of wealth. We’re in the top 10 for wealth states in the United States. We’ve raised wages for low-wage workers and we’ve reduced the poverty rate.

And the independent Brookings Institution says Portland ranks in the top 10 for prosperity of the 55 largest metropolitan areas and our other three other metropolitan areas, Salem, Eugene, and Bend are all in the top 10. In fact, Bend is the best performing midsized metropolitan area in the United States.

So, the background here is Oregon has had a robust economy. Now, the question is, how do we interpret what’s happened in the last couple of years? A lot of people are making a lot of emphasis on really slow job growth–which is true. Oregon is towards the bottom in job growth over the last couple of years.

It’s worth looking at why that is. It’s clearly related to the fact that our two biggest employers, Intel and Nike, have had the worst years that they have had in decades. And in fact, you can directly explain 7,000 job losses from those two firms’ problems.

And if you believe the economic impact studies that they tout saying that every job at those firms supports two or three jobs elsewhere, you can fully explain Oregon’s um underperformance with two bad years by those companies.

But let’s look at the most recent economic information. The forecast that came out from the state economist last month said Oregon’s GDP growth has grown to within three-tenths of a percent of the US rate. So, we’re recovering. Our unemployment rate–that everybody talked about–our unemployment rate is two-tenths of one percent higher than Washington, California, and Nevada. We’re basically at the same rate as our neighbors. And last month, we saw a stunning endorsement of Oregon’s business climate in the form of $2 billion of investment from Lam Research and Genentech.

There is nothing fundamentally wrong with the Oregon economy. Oregon’s economy has always been pro-cyclical. It gets hit harder in recessions, but when the or US economy is doing well–which it isn’t right now–but when the nation does well, we do better than that. So, the first point is don’t panic.

The second point I would make is: Don’t copy losers.

If you look at the council’s report, they say there are five states that we should emulate. Arizona, Indiana, Pennsylvania, North Carolina, and Virginia. Now, they offer no evidence that the policies that those states have put them in any better place. But if you look at a series of economic indicators, and in my written testimony, I’ve provided this for you. If you look at income levels, income growth, wealth, wages of low-wage workers, exports per capita, productivity, new manufacturing firms and patents and entrepreneurship, Oregon outperforms every one of those states:  Out of 50 possible head-to-head comparisons with those five states. Oregon wins 47 of them.

So, there is nothing in what those states are doing–in calling their agency a “Department of Commerce” or having a site development fund or changing their tax structure–that has caused them to do any better than Oregon. In fact, they all do measurably worse.

The final point I’ll make is:  Don’t make Oregon’s tax system regressive.

That will not do anything to benefit our economy and it will hurt the affordability problem, which is really a problem, as everybody knows, for low and moderate income Oregonians. The council points to a mythical $40,000 earning single worker and claims that they pay 1 to 2 percent higher taxes than neighboring states. I don’t see that in the data. In fact, the data from the Institute for Taxation and Economic Policy–which has for decades measured differences in taxes among states–says that Oregon has much fairer taxes, lower taxes on low and moderate income people than either Washington or other states.

And I would note that none of the recommendations that the council has offered do anything to improve the affordability for those low and moderate income households. In fact, all of those tax breaks chiefly benefit high-income Oregonians, wealthy Oregonians, and large businesses:  95 percent of Oregon estates pay no estate tax. 90 percent of Oregon businesses pay no commercial activity tax. The qualified small business deductions, as Alice Dale noted, 95 percent of them go to people who earn more than a million dollars a year. Again, these are trickle down policies and we know that they have not worked well.

I would just conclude by saying emphasizing the three points.

First, don’t panic. Pay attention to the structure of the Oregon economy.

Second, don’t copy losers. We have very little to learn from states who are performing measurably worse than we are.

And, third, don’t make Oregon’s tax system more regressive.

That will not remedy the economic problems that Oregonians face. Instead, pay attention to what you did the first hour and a half of your meeting today. Focus on the quality of education and the quality of life in Oregon because that’s going to drive our long-term economic prosperity.

Thank you so much for your time and for the accommodating my distant testimony.

 

Submitted written testimony is available here.

 

Where’s my Carmaggedon?

Once again, a predicted Carmaggedon is a no show.

In the face of ODOT claims that closing a portion of I-5 would cause travel times to double or triple, morning peak hour commutes from Vancouver to Portland increased by only a few minutes–the usual 26-minute commute now takes about 31 minutes.  

Even state highway officials conceded travel conditions were “mostly normal.”

There’s little evidence of spillover effects on other parts of the region’s highway system; if anything traffic is flowing more smoothly than usual.

This is powerful evidence that traffic volumes and commuting patterns quickly adapt to changes in roadway capacity, whether its traffic evaporation when capacity is reduced, or induced travel when roads are expanded.  The lesson here is that travel patterns are a flexible behavior than can be changed, not an immutable force of nature that will wreak havoc if obstructed.

 

The Hype:  Carmageddon is Coming!

For more than a month now, officials of the Oregon Department of Transportation have been  predicting Carmaggedon in Portland this month when they closed more than a mile of I-5 in the heart of the the city to further construction on the I-5 Rose Quarter Freeway Widening project.  The I-5 Rose Quarter website sounds the alarm:

Their dire warnings have been echoed and amplified by a credulous media, who seem to love nothing more than breathlessly repeating apocalyptic stories about travel delays.   Whether it is predictably alarmist coverage from broadcast television, or supposedly authoritative advice from the paper of record, or even usually staid public radio, every news report told us that for the month or so starting on September 11, the freeway closure would  produce devastating congestion and delays.  The Portland Oregonian dutifully repeated ODOT’s dire warnings.

Officials expect the delays to be severe, estimating travel times could balloon to two or even three times longer than normal, with congestion potentially backing up across the Columbia River into Washington, more than 7 miles from the Rose Quarter.

Broadcast media were more than delighted to fan fears.  KATU television trumpeted its coverage with proclamations of “MONDAY GRIDLOCK” and featured ODOT PR person Rose Gerber solemnly warning about likely tripling of commute times.

KATU Television, September 14, 2026

The Reality:  Carmageddon does a no show, again.

The reality, as shown by Google Maps real-time travel time data, is very different than the hype.  We used Google Maps to track a 9-mile drive through the heart of the I-5 corridor, from Vancouver City Hall to Portland City Hall.  According to Google Maps data from before the shutdown, the southbound, weekday AM peak trip, taken between 8AM and 9AM takes about 26 minutes.  (That said, there’s considerable variation, and Google’s pre-construction estimate warns it could take as little as 20 minutes or as long as 40 minutes in the morning peak hour).   Here’s Google’s estimate for a typical pre-closure weekday.

Google’s Sept. 2 Prediction of AM Peak Travel Times, 26 Minutes with a range of 20 to 40 minutes.

Monday, September 14, was the first full day of the shutdown.  Google Maps reported that a typical trip taken at about 8:10AM from Vancouver City Hall to Portland City Hall would take 28 minutes.  In other words, just a couple of minutes longer than on a typical pre-closure weekday, and well within the range of usual travel times.

Shutdown travel time: September 14, 8:10AM: 28 minutes.

ODOT officials quickly back-pedaled from the dire warnings. Oregon Public Broadcasting reported:

The Portland metro’s area first commute during “carmageddon” went off largely without a hitch Monday, although drivers should still expect delays for the foreseeable future. . . . Officials had warned the closure could lead to significant traffic delays for those commuting south into Portland. But apart from some congestion on the interstate, traffic levels remained mostly normal, ODOT spokesperson Rose Gerber said Monday morning.

But wait, ODOT warned:  traffic’s bound to be worse on Tuesday.  A combination of fewer hybrid workers staying at home mid-week, and a lessening of the “fear factor” after a “fairly normal” Monday, would surely make things worse.  According to Google, AM peak Southbound travel times were a few minutes longer (33 minutes on Tuesday) and then were slightly faster on Wednesday and Thursday (stabilizing at about 31 minutes).  After four weekdays of traffic, it appears that the closure has added about five minutes or a bit more, to Southbound morning commutes.  Here are the Google Maps travel time estimates for each day from Monday through Thurday.

In short, travel times didn’t triple:  The average five minute increase is well within the pre-construction usual range of variation.  Carmaggedon, once again, is a no show.

Nor did the shutdown of this central link on I-5 disrupt the flow of the overall regional road system.  For example: here are two “SigAlert” traffic maps, showing speeds on Portland area freeways on a typical weekday morning before and after the closure.
Left is Thursday, September 3, AM peak hour; Right is Monday September 14, AM Peak hour.  Regional traffic conditions are noticeably “greener” on 14 September, with I-5 closed, than on 3 September, with I-5 open.  To be sure, travel speeds are slow on I-5 Southbound, but not elsewhere.  Not only is there no apparent spillover onto other routes, if anything, reducing peak hour travel in one location actually reduces regional traffic levels, and improves traffic flow everywhere else in the system.
sigalert_before_after.png
Before (Left, Sept. 3) and After (Right, Sept 14) Morning Peak Travel Speeds on Portland Freeways, per SigAlert
All of this was predictable and predicted.  Carmaggedon never comes.  Traffic responds quickly, almost in real time, to constricted capacity, because at least some people have a lot of flexibility in when and where they travel.  This has happened time, and time, and time again in Atlanta, Los Angeles, Philadelphia, Minneapolis, Baltimore, and even in Portland  (when the I-5 bridge has been closed for maintenance).

 

As we predicted prior to the freeway closure, Carmaggedon wasn’t going to happen.  We wrote on September 3:

The trouble is, nothing of the kind is going to happen.  In a well-established–but plainly counter-intuitive–result, closing off a chunk of urban freeway (for a few days, weeks, hours, or–gasp–even permanently) consistently has little or no perceptible effect on congestion and travel times.  In fact, its common for traffic congestion to lessen.  Reducing capacity has the effect of reducing travel; people change when they travel, where they travel, combine trips, or simply don’t travel as much.  And rather than spilling over onto adjacent roadways, the reduction in travel makes the whole system function more smoothly.  Instead of gridlock and carmaggedon, we get “traffic evaporation.”

This matters because this is an important lesson, a potential teachable moment for all of us, about how the transportation system works.  Expanding highways in urban areas results in what is called “induced travel”–the greater supply of road capacity prompts people to take more and longer trips than they would otherwise.  That’s why widening roads to solve congestion never works–roads, no matter how wide, fill up and become congested, like Houston’s 23-lane wide Katy Freeway which actually is slower after its most recent expansion than it was before.  This is what economists now call the “fundamental law of road congestion.”  And this fundamental law also works in reverse:  take away some of the capacity, and as everyone of these supposed Carmaggedon’s shows, traffic evaporates.  Once we understand that traffic responds to supply, we can recognize we can limit traffic by not building so much capacity.

 

Why this happens:  Traffic evaporation and induced demand

The lesson here is that traffic is not an inalterable and irreducible quantity dictated by nature, its actually very dynamic and elastic.  As David Zipper explained eloquently in Slate, travel patterns quickly adapt to changes in road capacity, especially in the case of dramatic events like a bridge collapse.  People readily change their travel behavior in response to the availability of road capacity.  That’s the essential insight behind the science of “induced demand“—the observation that newly expanded roadways quickly fill to capacity.  And this is its mirror image:  “traffic evaporation.”

Many of the trips on our roadway are discretionary.  We can choose to take them at other times, take other routes, combine or forego trips, choose new destinations, or travel by other modes.  The traffic we observe at any point in time is not a fixed and inexorable amount that must be “served” but is simply the behavioral response of humans to the set of transportation choices available to them.

The repeated failure of these predicted “Carmageddons” to ever occur is powerful evidence that the key tenet of highway planning is fundamentally flawed.  Highway departments claim that if we don’t build more roadways, traffic and congestion will increase without limit and we’ll face hours and hours of delay.  In reality, that never happens because people adapt their travel behavior to the available transportation system.  Widening roads in an effort to reduce congestion isn’t simply futile, it’s counterproductive.  More capacity generates more travel, more sprawl, more pollution, and ultimately more congestion.  It’s time to get off this treadmill.

The closure of I-5 over the next month or so is a great opportunity to learn a critical and valuable lesson about traffic.  We only hope the region’s residents and leaders will be paying close attention.

 

 

Friday assorted links

1. Gender differences in financial information processing.

2. Urban harassment of women in India.

3. The making of Roger Scruton?

4. Astra vs. Enigma.

5. Coetzee on genocide.

6. Dan Ariely update.  And running for office in Israel.

7. A more sober look at the HuggingFace incident (WSJ).

8. Cass Sunstein on AI regulation and China.

9. New UAP videos, with modest explanatory notes.

The post Friday assorted links appeared first on Marginal REVOLUTION.

       

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Rocket Report: China wants a Raptor 3 engine; SpaceX set for big Starship test

Welcome to Edition 9.11 of the Rocket Report! The most interesting story of the week, in our view, is a deep dive by Stephen Clark, linked below, into the dwindling fortunes of United Launch Alliance. As recently as a decade ago, the launch company, co-owned by Boeing and Lockheed Martin, could claim dominance over the US industry. But those glory days are fading fast. So what's next for a company that is tied to an expendable rocket?

As always, we welcome reader submissions, and if you don't want to miss an issue, please subscribe using the box below (the form will not appear on AMP-enabled versions of the site). Each report will include information on small-, medium-, and heavy-lift rockets as well as a quick look ahead at the next three launches on the calendar.

Avio seeks to cash in on Falcon 9 retreat. Italian launch services provider Avio has seen an influx of customers who were unable to secure launch opportunities with SpaceX, European Spaceflight reports. “I can tell you SpaceX has already gone captive because we have a whole bunch of customers coming to us and saying, 'Oh my God, can you fly us?'” Avio CEO Giulio Ranzo said during the company’s September 10 earnings call. In recent months, SpaceX told multiple prospective customers that it was no longer accepting new orders for commercial Falcon 9 launches.

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The GDP-per-person slowdown threatens global living standards

Brazil, China, Germany and Russia have recently joined an unfortunate club

Formal Methods Pay Off

Back in graduate school I spent two quarters TAing for the undergraduate formal methods course. While I have rarely pulled out full-blown formal methods in my career, I find that I use them informally all the time.

Fortune Buchholtz reintroduced me to formal methods a year ago or so. I tried them again but got lost in the proofs, eventually giving up bec…

Read more

Yet Another OK Week for D.C.’s Crime Stats

As I keep saying, the only good week is one without any homicides. Nevertheless, as of Friday 9am, D.C. has reported has only one new homicide this week, bringing the total for the year to 71*. Last year, during the same time period, we had 106 homicides, and in the surge year of 2023, there were 191 homicides during that same time period.

Other crime categories didn’t change much. For the year, robberies are down slightly, assaults with dangerous weapon are up (though that is likely due, in part, to differences in reporting), property crimes are down very slightly, and, as has been the case all year, car-related thefts (of and from cars) are down dramatically.

It’s still unclear if we will achieve another 33 percent drop in homicides for the third straight year–a trend that began pre-occupation, in the Biden era. It’s going to be very close.

Still waiting for a zero homicide week.

*Three of the 73 murders reported this year actually occurred in other years (e.g., a missing persons case from 2023 turned into a homicide case this year with new evidence).

My Favorite Philip K. Dick Novels

A few years ago, sci-fi fans started making jokes about how reality now feels like a Philip K. Dick novel. That was funny for the simple reason that there is no reality in Dick’s novels—everything is an illusion, a construct, a hallucination, a simulation.

So how can we live in Dick’s world, if it doesn’t exist?

Fast forward to the current moment. People are still saying that Dick’s novels are turning into reality. But it’s not a joke anymore. It’s feels more like a warning.

After all, it might be fun to watch The Matrix—a story that’s a total Dick rip-off, by the way—especially if you have a comfy seat in the theater and a big container of buttered popcorn. But you don’t want to live inside the Matrix.

All this leaves Dick’s longtime fans in an awkward situation. I once found his books entertaining—his wild imagination more than compensated for his shortcomings (especially as a prose stylist). But with each passing year, his novels are a little less fun, and a lot more disturbing.

But that doesn’t diminish their value. In fact, Dick is now a must-read author—if only as an iconoclastic thinker and social commentator. Of course, the storytelling is still important, but not as escapism. His novels have been transformed from pulp fiction into allegories or parables for our own time.

In that spirit, let me share my guide to Dick’s best works. Below I highlight seven novels. You will find full reviews of them in The Vault (where hundreds of literary reviews and sundry other articles are available for premium subscribers). Here I offer an extract from each of these separate essays on Dick’s work.

I’m focusing today on his fiction. But you may also want to check out this author’s non-fiction writing. The best source of that is The Shifting Realities of Philip K. Dick: Selected Literary and Philosophical Writings, edited by Lawrence Sutin. (Sutin is also the author of an excellent Dick bio, entitled Divine Invasions.)

And now on to my list of Dick’s seven best novels.


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The Three Stigmata of Palmer Eldritch

What a crazy book! Or at least that’s how it seemed back in 1965, when Philip K. Dick published The Three Stigmata of Palmer Eldritch. It was a strange book in a strange year.

But not anymore. The most demented things in this story are now a reality. Just consider….

  1. A ruthlessly ambitious CEO who wants to relocate to Mars, and gets caught up in a fierce rivalry with another space-traveling technocrat.

  2. All this is financed by the sale of addictive technology, which now becomes the focal point of people’s leisure hours.

  3. Unwary citizens find themselves addicted to tech platforms, where users are represented by avatars. But the real goal of powerful tech enterprises is to lure users into compulsive behavior that can be monetized. And not just once—but day after day.

  4. As a result, huge numbers of people waste their free time and spend all their money inside these make-believe platforms. They want to escape reality, not live in it.

  5. Can you blame them. Global warming is out of control, and beyond any point where it can be fixed.

  6. Meanwhile, a few wealthy elites are obsessed with transhumanist technologies for extending life—which often backfire.

  7. In their struggles to maintain sanity in a dystopian world, people now get therapy from a chatbot—accessed via a device they carry with them wherever they go.

  8. But some heavy users are so deranged by the emerging technology…..

For more, click here.


A Scanner Darkly

When Philip K. Dick’s fourth wife left him in September 1970, he found himself alone in a four-bedroom house just north of San Rafael in Marin County, California. Other men, put in this situation, might sell the house, and move to something smaller. But Philip K. Dick was not like other men, so he opened up his home to a ragtag assortment of drug addicts, runaways, and juvenile delinquents.

It was like a cross between a hippie commune and a crack house. And Dick, now approaching his forties, was the ringleader—although old enough to be the parent of many of his new housemates. Some of them were still in junior high….

When he finally returned to writing, Dick’s experiences in this chaotic environment served as the inspiration for one of his most influential novels, A Scanner Darkly, later made into a Hollywood movie by Richard Linklater—where the various druggies are played by Keanu Reeves, Robert Downey, Jr., Woody Harrelson, and Winona Ryder.

It’s a strange, disturbing film that did poorly at the box office. But the real life figures behind the screen characters fared even worse….

For more, click here.


Do Androids Dream of Electric Sheep

I could tell you that the anxiety-ridden hunt for human-like androids in this book represents the queasy quest for authenticity of the late 1960s. I could tell you that the “othering” of the androids, who are hunted and killed as threats to society, reflects a critique of the Vietnam War from the perspective of Berkeley, California—where the author lived in 1968, when Do Androids Dream of Electric Sheep? was published. I could even tell you that Philip K. Dick wrote this novel for the money, anticipating the sweet movie deal that would turn his book into Blade Runner…..

Alas, none of these grandiose claims has, I fear, much bearing on what Philip K. Dick actually put into this book. We need to remind ourselves that our esteemed author wrote his novel in a state of personal crisis, and any obsessions he revealed about sincerity and authenticity were personal ones, anxieties that Dick lived through each day, and didn’t need to find described in a book of philosophy or a classroom lecture. But he was crazy in the right kind of way. So readers felt the power and vibrancy of Dick’s work from this period even if the unfolding plots bordered on the surreal…..

For more, click here.


The Man in the High Castle

What would happen if the course of American history had taken a different turn in the 1940s? This is now a suitable subject for the literary lions, as demonstrated by Michael Chabon’s The Yiddish Policemen’s Union (2007) or Philip Roth’s The Plot Against America (2004). But a year before Chabon was born, Philip K. Dick earned his first Hugo award for his bold alternate history novel The Man in the High Castle, a work that has gradually gained acceptance as a modern classic….

Dick once claimed that he relied on the I Ching to help him develop the plot for this novel—and even blamed it for elements of the story that left him unsatisfied. As is so often the case with Dick, the story echoes the circumstances under which it was written. In this case, the I Ching plays a role in the plot, as characters consult it to guide their course of action. The novel also reminds us of its construction in the character of Hawthorne Abendsen, who is the enigmatic “Man in the High Castle,” an author who is writing a fictional account of alternative history, in which United States and its allies win the war. And Abendsen relies on the I Ching to write this novel-within-a-novel.

Reality blurs within the story. And the distinction between the story and outside reality—as manifested in Dick’s personal life— also grows fuzzy (another trademark of this author’s oeuvre)….

For more, click here.



Ubik

Philip K. Dick’s 1969 novel Ubik did not win any of the major science fiction awards, but it was selected by Time magazine as one of the 100 best novels in the English language published between 1923 and 2005. At the time of his death in 1982, even Dick’s fervent fans could hardly have conceived his enshrinement on such a list, alongside Hemingway, Faulkner, and Nabokov. But Dick’s star continues to rise—in fact, it is hard to think of another writer, in any genre, whose reputation has enjoyed such an unexpected turnaround during the last quarter century….

Sometimes his books lay open their tricks in the opening chapters, and readers simply go along for the ride, reasonably sure what lies ahead. But Ubik keeps you guessing at every step along the way, and your hypotheses about what is actually transpiring will probably change several times as the story progresses. You might even say that this work progresses much like a conventional mystery, with clues to be deciphered and puzzles to be solved. Only here the questions are peculiar ones—not who committed the murder, but whether a murder actually took place, not finding the body but understanding what a body might be and become, not avenging a death but reassessing the boundaries between life and death….

For more, click here.


Flow My Tears, the Policeman Said

No need to call in the policeman. Philip K. Dick has his fingerprints all over this story. Here we find the sudden alterations in the texture of reality, the haunting sense that our most cherished assumptions are fragile illusions, the harassed protagonist who struggles in the midst of an authoritarian society. And, as always, high tech gadgets and mind-altering substances.

In short, it’s another day at the office for Mr. Dick.

At the outset of Flow My Tears, the Policeman Said, we meet Jason Taverner, a famous television star whose show is watched by an avid audience of thirty million viewers. But such happy moments of well-being and acclaim never last long in a Dick novel. Before the end of the first chapter, an ex-lover tries to kill Taverner – by means of a Callisto cuddle sponge, which digs its fifty feeding tubes into his body. And by the second chapter, Taverner has awakened in a low-down, bug-infested skid-row hotel room, without any recollection of how he got there. When he tries to phone his friends and colleagues, none of them recognize him any more. On October 11, Taverner was a celebrity; on October 12 he is a nobody.

If Rod Serling were there, he would walk on-stage at this point uttering those famous words: “You have just entered the Twilight Zone.”

For more, click here.


VALIS

There are many strange things about VALIS, but one of the strangest is the new-found brilliance to Dick’s prose. For all his creativity, Dick often wrote in a cartoonish, pulp-fiction manner—his biographer Lawrence Sutin describes it as a “slapdash quality” and notes that it prevents many critics from considering Dick in the same category as Kafka, Calvino and other writers who dealt with similar themes…..

But in VALIS, Dick actually starts writing at a dazzlingly high level. The coarse pulp-fiction author disappears completely from view and instead we have an edgy prose stylist whose work can stand comparison with Pynchon and Heller and Vonnegut and Kesey and all those other renegade who redefined American fiction in the 1960s and 1970s.

So, if I can borrow Jonathan Lethem’s pun, you really don’t know dick about Dick until you’ve read VALIS. I believe it is his finest novel, and the starting point for any reader who wants to see how close sci-fi can get to avant-garde fiction.

But the fact is that Dick wasn’t trying to conduct an experiment in writing. He was grappling with his own demons and—this is no glib exaggeration —losing his grasp on the meaning and purpose of his life and vocation. That back story gives these pages a pathos and power that few other avant-garde novels possess. In short, it all comes together here although, sad to say, it had to come apart for Mr. Dick in order for that to happen.

For more, click here.

📙 #096 - DOOM E1M1, Mainly YouTube, and AI being a twat

The amount of YouTube collaboration spam increased dramatically the other day. They may be legit - doubtful - but either way indistinguishable from phishing attempts to get me to “login with YouTube” on some dodgy site.

Normally I get 4-5 a week, but the last couple of days it’s been like that per-day.

Last newsletter the prediction was I’d hit 10,000 subscribers on the 21st September, a few days from now, and I thought for a moment that this increase in spam was an interesting way to discover I’d hit that number early. Turns out at time of writing I’m at 9,993.

But, some of the backend of YouTube was hiccuping yesterday so I couldn’t check the precise numbers, which may have also explained the rise in spam; if the bots couldn’t see them perhaps they spam more?!

🎯 🎯 🎯

# THE NUMBERS DON’T MATTER, UNTIL THEY DO FOR THE WRONG REASONS

I’m not, for the record, particularly chasing numbers - if I was I wouldn’t be making all these tutorial videos - the reason for tracking the “Target” is; I’ve been told things can get weird on the spam front when you hit 10k.

It’s worth keeping an eye on, in case I think I’ve suddenly become successful (or even good), rather than a more likely automated email targeting from bots.

🤖 🤖 🤖

# THE TUTORIAL TO AI PIPELINE, AND BURNOUT

We’re up to 20 videos on the Drawing Machines 101 course.

The approach I’m taking with this is; “What if I were running a college course for a year, and had the students for 1-hour a week” - over the weeks I’d be building up the fundamentals, introducing concepts and developing them over the future lessons.

Things are going generally to plan.

However, there’s still this nagging feeling that I’m now just feeding the AI machine.

Pen plotting is niche, there’s a lot of code out there, so I’m definitely not the only source of that. But there are very few of us making courses and videos going through pen plotting step-by-step, unlike say how-to-shoot-cinematic-videos videos.

I’m pretty sure the pipeline goes like this.

  1. I think & plan what’s going to do into a video to introduce the next bit of pen plotting code, why it’s important and how it fits in with everything else.

  2. I shoot the video, edit it and upload it.

  3. YouTube/Google transcribes the video and processes it with AI.

  4. Someone googles a pen plotting question.

  5. google AI answers the question based in some part on the contents of the video I created.

I understand that I’m making UGC - “User Generated Content”, and I’m a “content creator” - but the old deal was platforms would put my content and me in front of people.

And if it’s not the platform then someone else is feeding it all to an AI to make new (probably better) videos 🤷‍♂️

🥰 🥰 🥰

# FUN

I’ve decided the correct response to this is to get back to also having fun.

If the platforms aren’t going to satisfy my deregulated dopamine receptors, then I’m just going to have to do it myself.

I used to make “Weeknotes” videos (144 of them, wow), which were purely for myself, as a visual journal and way to learn how to use all the hardware & software involved in making videos.

They were fun, but weekly was hard work.

Instead I’m having a stab at a hybrid project/journal video format; starting with the monthly Patreon projects. Where I’m recording a video diary of the progress of each project. At some point, when all the Drawing Machine 101 tutorials are completed (hahahahahah), then I’ll be able to spend all my time making project/journal videos.

For now though, I think I’ve made enough of the tutorial videos, that I’m “allowed” to drop in these other videos.

The one I’m still working on, shown above, is about the handwriting/typewriter pen plots, which’ll switch to being something art based for the posting out to Patreon members next week (so there’s still time to sign up).

🔫 🔫 🔫

# DOOM & PATREON

A couple of months ago I was playing with the code from the game The Sentinel to convert levels into plottable SVG files (and riso prints). Recently I’ve been tinkering with making 3D galleries as a way to view the photos and blog posts on my website (not live yet), for various ridiculous reasons.

As part of doing that I had to do two things, one; deal with 3d randomised room layouts, handling wireframes and so on, which look a bit like this.

The second is pre-baking lighting into the textures so I don’t have to do it at ‘run-time’, which is an old DOOM game trick.

Having dipped my foot into writing ray-tracing code, at which I’m not particularly good and the code isn’t particularly fast, that experience has allowed me to write slow clunky code that takes about 16 minutes to ‘light’ a gallery, and gives me a texture map like this…

…and those textures then get stuck on the walls, ceiling and floor of the rooms, so they look like this…

(Boring details, lighting information is then also stored for each spot where a photo/picture can be ‘hung’, so any images pulled in from blog posts, can be lit properly to match the location on the wall).

Fun fact, a long time ago, I wrote a level editor for DOOM, which converted ASCII nethack style maps into DOOM maps, so back in my Uni days I was deep into the .WAD and maps file format. I’d not touched it for a good while, but I’ve seen enough libraries pop up, including in javascript to know playing with maps would be do-able.

So while I’m not going to convert all the sprites and UI to pen plottable vectors, I have managed to convert the map data into something I can work with. Chaining it with the hidden line removal tools I had to write for The Sentinel, I’m like 98% certain, I can pen plot DOOM 😁

It’s not quite can you play DOOM on a pen plotter, but next month for Patreon (and YouTube), I’m going to have a go at plotting frames of a run through of E1M1 to turn into an animation. The Postcard level of the Patreon, will get you a couple of frames & something else Doom map related, and I’m going to do some much larger pieces that’ll end up in the shop [only just up and running and not much there yet] about four months after the Patreon.

(This video will be compressed tf by SubStack).

😴 😴 😴

# THE END

I’m at the point where a whole bunch of things happen to be almost finished at the same time, each about 95% of the way there. The shop is like 95% finished, I just need to get more stuff up there, the flow of tutorial & ‘normal’ videos feels like it’s getting nailed down. The 3d gallery stuff is almost ready to go live, as is the update to my website. The handwriting capture on an iPad is so close, and the process that goes along with that (capturing 👉 generating SVG).

This month I did have to take just over a week off (last week to take Zee to Uni at the other end of the country), and I’ve been super poorly this week, so I haven’t done as much Patreon posting as I’d have liked, but that feels like it’s settling into a good groove too.

To the point that the Patreon is supposed to support making the tutorial videos (and send art out to members) and this month there was enough left over from postage to pay for my groceries while I was away/poorly, which took the mental pressure off doing/making/showing for a bit.

Which was extraordinarily lovely.

It feels like it’s… working?!?

I don’t particularly enjoy self promotion (although this edition of the newsletter seems particularly self promotionally), but I suspect the next few months will feel a bit more “Hey, I’ve finished a thing, here it is” until I’ve gotten them all out of the way, sorry about that, I’ll try not to do it too much 😁

Until next time - Thursday 1st October - by which I’m pretty sure we’ll have hit that 10k YouTube subs target, and can pick a new arbitrary number.

Love you all
Dan
🧡


Thanks for reading Drawing Machines & Notes from Art Studio Robots! This post is public so feel free to share it.

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Dangerous Heat and Heavy Rainfall into the Weekend

Micheal Kremer's next (post-Nobel) Act: The World Bank

 Michael Kremer, one of the most  creative and dedicated economists of our time, has found his next act, at the World Bank.  (Sometimes the news is encouraging, even nowadays.)

Here's the press release from the World Bank. 

Michael Kremer Appointed as World Bank Group Chief Economist

"WASHINGTON, September 16, 2026—World Bank Group President Ajay Banga announced that Nobel laureate Michael Kremer has been appointed as World Bank Group Chief Economist and Senior Vice President for Development Economics, bringing one of the world’s foremost development economists to lead the institution’s research, data, and analytical agenda.

"Kremer is known not only for tackling real-world problems through innovative solutions grounded in rigorous research but also for translating his findings into programs that have reached hundreds of millions of people, from expanding vaccine access and school health programs to supporting smallholder farmers." 

Cosmic amnesia

Abstract painting of a swirling black hole in space with colourful cosmic dust and light patterns.

A black hole rings like a struck bell, then settles into silence, forgetting almost everything about its history. Why?

- by Richard Dyer

Read on Aeon

How SpaceX Streamlined the Raptor Engine

Via SpaceX.

If you’re reading this, there’s a very good chance you’ve seen this famous image of three iterations of SpaceX’s Raptor rocket engine. The Raptor engine was developed for SpaceX’s Starship spacecraft (the Falcon 9 and Falcon Heavy use the Merlin engine); it was first test-fired in 2016, first flew on Starhopper in 2019, and first flew on a Starship prototype in 2020 and on the full Starship stack in 2023. Since then, it’s continued to improve, going from the tangle of pipes and wires you can see on the Raptor 1 to the smooth, streamlined design of the Raptor 3, which first flew in May of this year.

The evolution is so dramatic that many folks initially believed that it wasn’t real; Tory Bruno, the then-CEO of space launch company United Launch Alliance, tweeted that there was “no need to exaggerate this by showing a partially assembled engine,” which was followed by SpaceX president Gwynne Shotwell tweeting a picture of the Raptor 3 firing successfully:

This streamlining has come alongside meaningful gains in performance, with the Raptor 3 providing about 35% more thrust than the Raptor 1.

I wanted to better understand how this evolution actually happened. What, specifically, did SpaceX change that allowed it to go from the tangle of wires and pipes to the svelte, streamlined engine on the right?

There turned out to be less detail available here than I hoped. SpaceX doesn’t publish any official Raptor schematics, and no one has done a teardown of a Raptor engine. But thanks to the occasional comment from Elon Musk, and the speculations of an army of SpaceX fans, we can get some idea of what the major changes have been.

How the Raptor engine works

The Raptor engine is a “full-flow staged combustion” (FFSC) engine. What exactly does that mean?

A rocket engine works by throwing mass (“propellant”) out of a rocket nozzle — due to Newton’s Third Law (“for every action there is an equal and opposite reaction”), this pushes the rocket in the other direction. The more mass you can throw out, and the faster you throw it, the more thrust your rocket engine will produce.

The simplest way to do this is to simply fill a tank full of pressurized gas, and vent some of the gas out. The venting gas propels the rocket, in the same way that letting the air out of a balloon pushes the balloon. This sort of rocket, called a “cold gas thruster,” is often used for making minor adjustments to a spacecraft’s position or orientation. Cold gas thrusters are found on, among other equipment, NASA’s Manned Maneuvering Unit, and the control thrusters for SpaceX’s Falcon 9 rocket.

Cold gas thruster diagram, via Wikipedia.
Manned Maneuvering Unit, via Wikipedia.

These engines are simple and reliable, but limited; there’s only so much thrust you can practically get from a cold gas thruster. So how can we get more thrust? One obvious way is instead of a single propellant, we can use two: take a fuel (like kerosene) and an oxidizer (like oxygen) and then burn them together in a combustion chamber, creating hot gas that escapes out the back of your rocket nozzle. Now instead of just using the energy stored in the pressurized propellants, we’re also using the energy stored in their chemical bonds, and converting that energy into thrust. An engine that uses the pressure of the propellant tanks to force fuel and oxidizer into the combustion chamber is called a pressure-fed engine. The engine used for the ascent stage of the Apollo Lunar Module was this type of engine: it used nitrogen tetroxide (N2O4) as an oxidizer and a fuel called Aerozine 50, both pressurized.

Apollo Lunar Module ascent engine, via Engine History.

But now you have a problem. To prevent the burning gases in the combustion chamber from flowing back into the fuel and oxidizer lines (starving the combustion chamber of incoming propellant), the pressure in the combustion chamber has to be lower than the pressure in the fuel and oxidizer tanks and lines. But for a compact, powerful rocket engine, we want to have very high pressures in the combustion chamber. We could deal with this by increasing the pressure in our propellant storage, but this quickly gets impractical: the higher the pressures, the thicker and heavier our storage tanks and propellant lines need to be in order to maintain them without rupture. A better solution is to store the propellants at low pressure, and then feed them through a pump that increases their pressure before they reach the combustion chamber. This is the standard way to build a powerful rocket engine, and virtually every engine used for putting a rocket into orbit uses a pump of some kind to pressurize the fuel and oxidizer.

F-1 engine used on the Saturn V rocket. The pumps for the fuel and oxidizer are on the upper right.

Now we have a new problem: because of the volume of fluid they must handle and the amount of pressure they must add, these pumps require an enormous amount of power to operate. The turbopump on the F-1 engine used on the Saturn V, for instance, required around 41 megawatts of power, slightly less than the power the S8G nuclear reactor delivers to the propeller shaft of an Ohio-class submarine. One way to provide this power is with a battery — Rocket Lab’s Electron rocket has an engine with a battery-powered electric pump — but the more common strategy, employed by virtually every large booster rocket, is to use the rocket’s own propellant as a power source, burning a small amount of fuel and oxidizer to drive a turbine that in turn drives the pump.

There are different ways that a system like this can be configured. The simplest is to route a small amount of fuel and oxidizer to a turbine, and then vent the resulting exhaust. This is known as a gas generator cycle, and it’s what’s used on the F-1 engine, as well as SpaceX’s Merlin engine.

Another option is to burn some of the fuel and oxidizer to drive the pump, but then route the burned propellant through the main combustion chamber along with the unburned fuel/oxidizer. This is known as “staged combustion,” and the smaller combustion chamber used to drive the pumps is called the “preburner.” This is a more complex arrangement than a gas generator cycle, but it’s also more efficient, since the hot exhaust that drives the turbopump isn’t just wastefully vented.

For most staged combustion engines, only a portion of the propellant gets routed through the preburner: the rest gets routed around and goes directly to the combustion chamber. But SpaceX’s Raptor uses a particular type of staged combustion known as “full flow.” In a full-flow engine there are two preburners, one that drives the fuel pump and one that drives the oxygen pump. All the propellant gets routed through the preburners: in one of them, a small amount of oxidizer is burned in the presence of a large amount of fuel (leaving most of the fuel unburned), while in the other a small amount of fuel is burned in the presence of a large amount of oxidizer (leaving most of the oxidizer unburned). The fuel-rich and oxidizer-rich exhaust streams then both enter the main combustion chamber, where they’re burned together.

Full-flow staged combustion schematic, via Wikipedia.

A full-flow staged combustion engine is very complex, and prior to the Raptor only two had been built, neither of which successfully flew on a rocket. The Russians developed an FFSC engine in the 1960s, the RD-270, but it never flew, and the US built part of an FFSC engine called the Integrated Powerhead Demonstrator in the 1990s and 2000s, but it was never developed into a full engine. (When SpaceX began working on the Raptor in 2012, it obtained some of the equipment used on the Integrated Powerhead Demonstrator.) But an FFSC engine has several advantages, one of which is (theoretically) reliability: because so much mass flows through the turbines driving the pumps, the turbines can run cooler and at lower pressure, making them (in theory) more reliable. If you’re a company betting heavily on reusable rockets, a more reliable turbine is obviously attractive.

How the Raptor evolved

SpaceX is, understandably, tight-lipped about many of the specifics of its advanced rocket technology, and there’s less official information on the exact details of how the Raptor operates than you might hope. Nobody has opened up a Raptor engine to show what’s inside, and much of the information that exists comes from Elon Musk’s tweets or his comments in Everyday Astronaut interviews.

There are, however, a lot of SpaceX enthusiasts out there, many of whom do things like obsessively photograph every Raptor engine leaving the factory, and these folks have put a lot of effort into speculating about how the Raptor engine works. The most useful output of this speculation, for me, is the various fan-made schematics that show how the Raptor engine is thought to operate. These schematics aren’t official — they’re made by SpaceX enthusiasts piecing together information from various sources — so they must be taken with a large grain of salt. But they’re still a useful starting point for getting an idea of how people think various versions of the Raptor engine have worked.

To start, let’s look at some schematics of version 1 of the Raptor. The image below was created by Elisei Maslov, a Russian propulsion engineer, in 2019.

Via Elisei Maslov on Reddit.

Another useful Raptor version 1 schematic is the one below, created by NASASpaceFlight forum member “hisdirt” in December 2019. This is particularly useful because it calls out the various engine components on an actual 3D model of the engine (modeled in Revit, of all things).

Via “hisdirt” on NASASpaceFlight.

You can see in these schematics the basic components of a full-flow staged combustion engine: the oxygen pump, turbine, and preburner are on top of the engine, while the fuel pump, turbine, and preburner are the assembly on the side. You can also see how the fuel flows through the outside of the nozzle before going back into the preburner — this cools the nozzle so it doesn’t melt from the heat of the rocket exhaust, and is known as regenerative cooling.

The next schematic, made by NASASpaceFlight users “Livingjw” and “HVM” in February of 2022, is from Wikipedia, and it shows version 2 of the Raptor. This is less detailed than Maslov’s schematic — it basically just shows the flow of oxygen and methane — but it shows the same basic arrangement: oxygen pump assembly on the top, fuel pump assembly on the side.

And this schematic, posted by Twitter user “TheSpaceEngineer” in January 2025, shows version 3 of the Raptor.

Assuming that these schematics aren’t grossly misleading, we can see that the major architecture hasn’t changed between version 1 and version 3 of the engine. It’s still a full-flow staged combustion engine, and still has the basic arrangement of the oxygen pump, turbine, and preburner assembly on the top, with the fuel pump, turbine, and preburner mounted to the side, with fuel being used to regeneratively cool the nozzle. And you can see that a lot of the smaller lines are the same on versions 1 and 3. Both show nitrogen lines used for purging (clearing propellant out of the system), both show fuel and oxidizer lines going to the igniters, and both have fuel and oxidizer lines carrying gaseous propellant back to the tanks to keep them pressurized as they empty (this is known as autogenous pressurization).

So what changed? If we look closely at the version 1 and version 3 schematics (remembering again that these are unofficial and speculative), we can see a few differences. Version 3 shows the smaller lines bundled together in a “common umbilical,” and if we look at photos of the Raptor 3 connected to a rocket we can see this:

Raptor 3, via the Starship SpaceX wiki. The common umbilical appears to be above the fuel turbo assembly.

The version 1 schematic also shows helium being used to spin up the fuel and oxygen turbines initially, while in version 3 these lines have been eliminated, and nitrogen is used instead. (It’s not amazingly obvious to me if this evolution is correct — some Reddit commenters on the version 1 schematic stated that helium wasn’t used — but there’s some evidence that it is.) Per these schematics, the helium used to control some valves present on version 1 is also absent on version 3, and the version 3 schematic shows no helium lines whatsoever.

The version 3 schematic also notes that a heat exchanger has been eliminated, something echoed by various folks on the NASASpaceFlight forums — this appears to be a gaseous oxygen heat exchanger near the preburner. There’s also a fuel line going to the preburner that’s present on version 1 but is absent on the version 3 schematic.

Version 1
Version 3

The more reliable source of changes, of course, is statements by Elon Musk and SpaceX. A 2022 NASASpaceFlight article about SpaceX’s update on the Starship progress noted that “everything from turbomachinery to chamber nozzle to electronics” was redesigned on Raptor 2, the turbopump had shrunk, and the preburner controllers “had been moved to boxes rather than being all over the engine.” An Everyday Astronaut article about the same update also notes that “many valves were combined into valve plates.” In a recent response to a September 5 tweet by Yishan Wong, the former CEO of Reddit, Musk ran down a short list of changes in the Raptor over time:

One big category here is sensors, and the various wires and cables they require. From what I understand, Raptor version 1 was in large part a development engine, and thus required a lot of extra sensors monitoring things like temperature and pressure in various parts of the engine to determine how it was behaving. As the engine got dialed in, a lot of these sensors could be eliminated (though some of them may have been moved internally).

Another thing Musk calls out is the main chamber spark igniters. Igniters, per their name, ignite the fuel and oxidizer in the main combustion chamber. These were present in version 1 of the Raptor, but by version 2 they had been eliminated. Musk doesn’t say what they were replaced with, but this change may have something to do with the fact that the hot fuel and oxidizer exhaust streams from the preburners probably need very little encouragement to combust. (A NASASpaceFlight comment from 2019 wonders if main chamber igniters are even necessary, given the high temperature of the preburner exhaust streams.)

Musk also notes that a lot of bolted flange connections were replaced by welded connections, reducing mass and joints that can leak at the expense of serviceability. This appears to be still taking place, as early Raptor 3 photos show a large bolted flange on the main body of the engine that in later photos has been eliminated:

Another substantial change on Raptor 3 is that much of the piping hasn’t been eliminated, but moved internally, by way of 3D printing many of the components (Musk has previously noted that SpaceX “has the most advanced 3D metal printing technology in the world,” and in 2024 the company licensed the 3D metal printing technology of Velo3D).

Close-up photos of the Raptor 3, in fact, appear to show 3D printing lines:

Photo by Ying Zhang, via catdlr on NASASpaceFlight.

The purpose of this internalization is the removal of more parts, in particular the heat shield and fire suppression systems. The huge mass of wire and pipes on version 1 and version 2 of the Raptor required a large, heavy heat shield to protect it from the heat of the rocket exhaust. Internalizing the various propellant lines and adding internal cooling systems allows this heat shield and fire protection system to be eliminated. In fact, the biggest mass change from version 1 to version 3 of the Raptor comes from mass removal of “vehicle side” engine hardware, which is almost certainly largely the heat shield.

Raptor engines with heat shields.

Conclusion

SpaceX’s Raptor engine has undergone impressive evolution, going through several major versions, a dramatic increase in performance, and a dramatic decrease in mass and external components in a short amount of time. The fundamental architecture of the engine hasn’t changed — it’s still a full-flow staged combustion engine, using the same primary components — but the various ancillary elements and components supporting its operations have been modified significantly.

It’s worth noting that while this streamlining has made the Raptor engine simpler in the sense that various individual parts have been eliminated, it was still an (as Musk notes) enormously complex task to get it to work, and there’s a huge amount of internal complexity added to the Raptor 3 that these pictures don’t show. And the problems haven’t been completely ironed out: the first launch attempt of Starship’s flight test 13 was aborted automatically by the vehicle’s flight software at T-0 (right before liftoff) this past July when several Raptor 3 engines failed to start. So the picture of several versions of the Raptor is a snapshot of a piece of technology that’s continuing to evolve.

Simera Sense and IDOM partner to develop and produce xScape350 optical system as demand for high-resolution EO imagery surges

LEUVEN, BELGIUM and BILBAO, SPAIN – 17 September 2026—Simera Sense, a leading European provider of optical payload solutions for small satellites, today announced a strategic partnership with IDOM, one of […]

The post Simera Sense and IDOM partner to develop and produce xScape350 optical system as demand for high-resolution EO imagery surges appeared first on SpaceNews.

Inside Europe’s push for space autonomy with Josef Aschbacher

In this episode of the podcast, SpaceNews’ Mike Gruss interviews Josef Aschbacher, the director-general of the European Space Agency, at the World Space Business Week conference in Paris. They discuss […]

The post Inside Europe’s push for space autonomy with Josef Aschbacher appeared first on SpaceNews.

Catalyst Campus for Technology and Innovation, in partnership with the BMC3I TAP Lab, Selects Focus Area Cohort Teams for Cohort 26.A

bmc3i tap lab logo

Catalyst Campus for Technology and Innovation, in partnership with the BMC3I TAP Lab, has selected the Focus Area Cohort Teams (FACTs) participating in Cohort 26.A. The selected teams represent innovative […]

The post Catalyst Campus for Technology and Innovation, in partnership with the BMC3I TAP Lab, Selects Focus Area Cohort Teams for Cohort 26.A appeared first on SpaceNews.

Icarus Robotics tests Joy in Canada ahead of ISS flight

PARIS — Icarus Robotics, the New York startup developing dexterous mobile robots for space missions, conducted tests of its free-flying platform ahead of a 2027 demonstration on the International Space […]

The post Icarus Robotics tests Joy in Canada ahead of ISS flight appeared first on SpaceNews.

Satrec Initiative to build 10-centimeter-class optical satellites for Hanwha constellation

PARIS — South Korean company Satrec Initiative is working with parent company Hanwha Systems to provide high-resolution Earth imagery for the synthetic-aperture-radar (SAR) constellation announced in July. Satrec Initiative, acquires 25-centimeter optical […]

The post Satrec Initiative to build 10-centimeter-class optical satellites for Hanwha constellation appeared first on SpaceNews.

It’s the company you keep

So if you’re a regular reader of this site, you might have seen yesterday’s post, which detailed the Capo Unified School Board run of one Linda Shepherd, Moms For Liberty prototype and the bastard love child of Lisa Davis, Jennifer Adnams, Colonel Sanders and the fifth psalm.

And while researching ol’ Shep, I headed over to her Instagram feed and saw the above image—featuring Linda alongside Sonja Shaw.

If you don’t pay attention to these things, Sonja isn’t merely a candidate for Superintendent of Public Instruction, but a uniquely cruel and compassion-deprived woman. Hell, last year she made a big show out of attending an area high school track and field meet to berate the mother of a trans athlete, as well as the trans athlete. Who, to state the obvious, was just a kid and deserved no such hatred.

If you don’t believe me, here’s the video …

And, with elections less than two months away, I’d like to ask Linda Shepherd how she feels about Sonja Shaw. How she feels about trans students. How she feels about making trans student feel like dog excrement.

I would like to ask her whether Shaw’s behavior was appropriate, and whether—were she on the board—she would defend the child.

I would like to ask a whole lot of questions, because those who run hardest on morality are often—if not always—the most morally compromised and bankrupt.

PS: “Courage is doing the right thing even if you are afraid”—says the woman who voted for Donald Trump.

September 17, 2026

In 1761, 55-year-old Benjamin Franklin attended the coronation of King George III and later wrote that he expected the young monarch’s reign would “be happy and truly glorious.” Fifteen years later, in 1776, he helped to draft and then signed the Declaration of Independence. An 81-year-old man in 1787, he urged his colleagues at the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia to rally behind the new plan of government they had written.

“I confess that there are several parts of this constitution which I do not at present approve, but I am not sure I shall never approve them,” he said, “For having lived long, I have experienced many instances of being obliged by better information, or fuller consideration, to change opinions even on important subjects, which I once thought right, but found to be otherwise.”

The framers of the new constitution hoped it would fix the problems of the first attempt to create a new nation. During the Revolutionary War, the Second Continental Congress had hammered out a plan for a confederation of states, but with fears of government tyranny still uppermost in lawmakers’ minds, they centered power in the states rather than in a national government.

The result—the Articles of Confederation—was a “firm league of friendship” among the 13 new states, overseen by a congress of men chosen by the state legislatures and in which each state had one vote. The new pact gave the federal government few duties and even fewer ways to meet them. Indicating their inclinations, in the first substantive paragraph the authors of the agreement said: “Each state retains its sovereignty, freedom and independence, and every Power, Jurisdiction and right, which is not by this confederation expressly delegated to the United States, in Congress assembled.”

Within a decade, the states were refusing to contribute money to the new government and were starting to contemplate their own trade agreements with other countries. An economic recession in 1786 threatened farmers in western Massachusetts with the loss of their farms when the state government in the eastern part of the state refused relief; in turn, when farmers led by Revolutionary War captain Daniel Shays marched on Boston, propertied men were so terrified their own property would be seized that they raised their own army for protection.

The new system clearly could not protect property of either the poor or the rich and thus faced the threat of landless mobs. The nation seemed on the verge of tearing itself apart, and the new Americans were all too aware that both England and Spain were standing by, waiting to make the most of the opportunities such chaos would create.

And so, in 1786, leaders called for a reworking of the new government centered not on the states, but on the people of the nation represented by a national government. The document began, “We the People of the United States, in order to form a more perfect Union….”

The Constitution established a representative democracy, a republic, in which three branches of government would balance each other to prevent the rise of a tyrant. Congress would write all “necessary and proper” laws, levy taxes, borrow money, pay the nation’s debts, establish a postal service, establish courts, declare war, support an army and navy, organize and call forth “the militia to execute the Laws of the Union” and “provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States.”

The president would execute the laws, but if Congress overstepped, the president could veto proposed legislation. In turn, Congress could override a presidential veto. Congress could declare war, but the president was the commander in chief of the army and had the power to make treaties with foreign powers. It was all quite an elegant system of paths and tripwires, really.

A judicial branch would settle disputes between inhabitants of the different states and guarantee every defendant a right to a jury trial.

In this system, the new national government was uppermost. The Constitution provided that “[t]he Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all Privileges and Immunities of Citizens in the several States,” and promised that “the United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government, and shall protect each of them against Invasion….”

Finally, it declared: “This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of the Land; and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the Contrary notwithstanding.”

“I agree to this Constitution with all its faults, if they are such,” Franklin said after a weary four months spent hashing it out, “because I think a general Government necessary for us,” and, he said, it “astonishes me…to find this system approaching so near to perfection as it does; and I think it will astonish our enemies, who are waiting with confidence to hear that our…States are on the point of separation, only to meet hereafter for the purpose of cutting one another’s throats.”

“On the whole,” he said to his colleagues, “I can not help expressing a wish that every member of the Convention who may still have objections to it, would with me, on this occasion doubt a little of his own infallibility—and to make manifest our unanimity, put his name to this instrument.”

On September 17, 1787, they did.

Notes:

https://press-pubs.uchicago.edu/founders/documents/a7s3.html

https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/articles-of-confederation#transcript

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Politics Chat, September 17, 2026

House Speaker Mike Johnson sent members home until after the midterms, reportedly to avoid a vote on Representative Thomas Massie’s eight articles of impeachment against Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth. Massie’s articles cite War Powers Act violations tied to the Iran war, unauthorized strikes on boats near Venezuela, and 2025 strikes in Yemen. Diesel prices have surpassed 6 dollars a gallon, a record, as both the Strait of Hormuz and Yemen’s Bab el-Mandeb Strait remain disrupted. CBS reported that hundreds of buildings and aircraft have been destroyed in the Iran war, based on photos leaked by active-duty service members. Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney has asked the European Union about associate membership for Canada. The Wall Street Journal reported that Senator Katie Britt of Alabama privately lobbied for tariff exemptions while publicly praising the tariffs. Karl Rove wrote that he will vote for a Democrat in Texas this year, and Senator John Cornyn retweeted the piece. Trump’s political action committee is concentrating midterm spending in districts he won by five points or more.

Watch today’s live recording here.

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Trump Isn’t Taking the News Well

Reimagining research papers as interactive and reliable AI agents

That is a new Nature paper by Jiacheng Miao, Joe R. Davis, Yaohui Zhang, Jonathan K. Pritchard, and James Zou.  Here goes:

Here we introduce Paper2Agent, an automated framework that converts research papers into artificial intelligence (AI) agents. Paper2Agent transforms research output from passive artefacts into active systems that accelerate use and discovery. Conventional research papers require readers to understand and adapt the paper’s code, data and methods to their work, creating barriers to dissemination and reuse. Paper2Agent addresses this challenge by converting a paper into an AI agent that functions as a virtual corresponding author, exposing its manuscript, supplementary materials, datasets, code and workflows as active, agent-native knowledge rather than static text. It analyses the paper and codebase using multiple agents to construct a model context protocol (MCP) server, then generates and runs tests to refine and increase robustness of the MCP. These paper MCPs can be connected to a chat agent (such as Claude Code) to carry out complex scientific queries through natural language while invoking tools and workflows from the paper. We demonstrate Paper2Agent’s effectiveness through case studies. Paper2Agent created an agent that leveraged AlphaGenome1 to interpret genomic variants and agents based on Scanpy2 and TISSUE (transcript imputation with spatial single-cell uncertainty estimation)3 to conduct single-cell and spatial transcriptomics analyses. We validate that these agents reproduce the results of the original papers and carry out novel user queries. Paper2Agent created multiple agents that collaborate to prioritize a causal gene for psoriasis. By turning static papers into interactive AI agents, Paper2Agent introduces a paradigm for knowledge dissemination and a collaborative ecosystem of AI co-scientists.

As I have been saying for a while now, there is much more of this coming down the pike.  Via Charles Klingman.

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Why Papua New Guinea is so interesting

And this leads to the most interesting part of this story: how the highlanders were so isolated for so long.

I want to acknowledge that the highlanders were not completely, hermetically sealed off from the outside world – it’s just that knowledge of outside world never actually made it to them or vice versa.

Over time, a few goods did make their way up to the highlands: pigs, about 3,000 years ago; the sweet potato, which is South American and arrived about 300 to 400 years ago; and tobacco, also American, which came the same way.

The journey the sweet potato and tobacco took to get there is a good example of how this all worked without transmitting further information. The Spanish and Portuguese brought both plants to the spice islands (in what is now Indonesia), just off the western tip of New Guinea, in the 1500s. The sultanates had been trading with the western tip of the coastal region of New Guinea for centuries. So the plants crossed over and started moving east along the coast and up into the interior. Beyond that point, there were no merchants. But when a woman married into the next clan over, she took cuttings from her family’s garden with her. Each new family then planted the same, saw that it worked, and passed it on. At that pace the sweet potato crossed the highlands in a century or two, with nobody knowing where it came from beyond the tribe beside them.

And what fascinates me is that even with the highlands as sealed off as they were, such significant goods still got in. Sweet potatoes allowed a population explosion in the highlands: they give far more calories per acre, and pigs can live off them. So in a 10,000 year sealed off universe, after the invention of agriculture, the biggest change to highland life happened in the last 500 years, which I guess isn’t a coincidence, as the sweet potato got there through the same structural forces that later brought the Australians.

Here is much more from Daniel Frank, fascinating throughout.

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Thursday 17 September 1663

Up, and my father being gone to bed ill last night and continuing so this morning, I was forced to come to a new consideration, whether it was fit for to let my uncle and his son go to Wisbeach about my uncle Day’s estate alone or no, and concluded it unfit; and so resolved to go with them myself, leaving my wife there, I begun a journey with them, and with much ado, through the fens, along dikes, where sometimes we were ready to have our horses sink to the belly, we got by night, with great deal of stir and hard riding, to Parson’s Drove, a heathen place, where I found my uncle and aunt Perkins, and their daughters, poor wretches! in a sad, poor thatched cottage, like a poor barn, or stable, peeling of hemp, in which I did give myself good content to see their manner of preparing of hemp; and in a poor condition of habitt took them to our miserable inn, and there, after long stay, and hearing of Frank, their son, the miller, play, upon his treble, as he calls it, with which he earns part of his living, and singing of a country bawdy song, we sat down to supper; the whole crew, and Frank’s wife and child, a sad company, of which I was ashamed, supped with us. And after supper I, talking with my aunt about her report concerning my uncle Day’s will and surrender, I found her in such different reports from what she writes and says to the people, and short of what I expected, that I fear little will be done of good in it. By and by newes is brought to us that one of our horses is stole out of the stable, which proves my uncle’s, at which I am inwardly glad — I mean, that it was not mine; and at this we were at a great loss; and they doubting a person that lay at next door, a Londoner, some lawyer’s clerk, we caused him to be secured in his bed, and other care to be taken to seize the horse; and so about twelve at night or more, to bed in a sad, cold, nasty chamber, only the mayde was indifferent handsome, and so I had a kiss or two of her, and I to bed, and a little after I was asleep they waked me to tell me that the horse was found, which was good newes, and so to sleep till the morning, but was bit cruelly, and nobody else of our company, which I wonder at, by the gnatts.

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Sometimes where Sometimes where


EA Safety

This is going to be one of those rare essays where I feel it is necessary to share some personal history and context for the story to make sense.

Over nearly 20 years of writing online, I have a had a sometimes entertaining, sometimes fraught, but always increasingly asymmetric relationship with the rationalist community, or what I will relabel in this essay the EA formation, for reasons that will become clear. The community began as a personal blog (Overcoming Bias) around the same time as my own now-retired blog (Ribbonfarm), around 2006-07. But where the rationalist scene grew from mere blog to powerhouse institutional landscape with its own gravity field shaping the future of AI (and therefore history), I have remained, for the most part, an individual blogger with no grand ambitions.1

Since the beginning, my readership has overlapped significantly with the community, and I even had several guest contributors on Ribbonfarm (Jacob Falkovich and David Manheim come to mind) from the community. Along the way, I became friends with many of them, including many deep insiders. As their ecosystem grew, being in their intellectual neighborhood meant becoming, to some extent, defined in relation to them. At some point, Scott Alexander put Ribbonfarm in a corner of his map, tagged “postrationalist” and that neighborhood of the blogosphere became known as an intellectual migration destination for people who had either “outgrown” rationalism or harbored curiosities beyond it.2 I too, have placed them on my maps, but that was mostly inconsequential personal amusement, since my writings do not exert a gravitational field capable of reshaping consensus cultural geographies.

From the perspective of the EA formation, to the extent the now-massive landscape is aware of me at all, I believe I am regarded as a sometimes-annoying, sometimes-interesting avuncular (since I’m almost a generation older than them) clown in a postrat box. Mostly harmless and ignorable. The feeling used to be mutual, but now I take them seriously. They’ve become too big and consequential to safely ignore.

My EA-formation friends are friends with footnotes, in the sense that while I like them personally and consider them interesting people with integrity equaling or exceeding my own, I neither agree with their foundational ideas, nor feel compelled to defend either their ideas or personal behaviors/actions.

Friendship with footnotes precludes, by design, public intellectual fealty. Or even an obligation to engage in energetic private debate about differences. My enduring differences with the rationalist world have remained largely unlitigated, beyond some mild, friendly mutual trolling and snarking. Friendship with footnotes, for me, is generally scoped to simply avoid the contentious baggage consigned to the footnote, while retaining the benefits of an interesting relationship.

The rationalist community is not a unique intellectual foil for me that way. This is how I tend to operate generally in relation to all intellectual foils, both individuals and groups.3 Interesting relationships almost require the presence of studiously ignored baggage.

Friends with footnotes are great to have. They keep life interesting, remind you to remain systematically doubtful about your own thinking, and to not put ideas ahead of people. They also keep the natural ambitions of writing (a calling capable of cruelty and poison) in check. Throughout my writing career, whenever personal relationships and friendships (with or without footnotes) have appeared in the potential blast radius of an idea, in general I have erred on the side of not being too public with my opinions. I have contented myself with casual social posting/trolling, and being candid in private conversations when necessary.

But sometimes serious developments unfold and you are forced to think harder at this particular locus of interestingness, of friends-with-footnotes, which is what I’m going to attempt to do in this essay.

I’m going to try and present a fair-minded account of the EA formation and its influence on AI history, as I have watched it evolve. It’s meant for those who believe, like me, that the EA formation is threatening to turn into a second-order problem in its own right, and needs to be checked-and-balanced as its power continues to grow in somewhat alarming ways.

I hope to do so without weighing down my friendship footnotes with too much additional studiously ignored baggage.

The EA Formation

Effective altruism in the narrow sense is only one component of a larger intellectual and institutional formation that now extends through philanthropy, rationalism, longtermism, existential-risk research, AI safety, AI governance and parts of the frontier AI industry. Its boundaries are porous enough that arguments about membership rapidly become scholastic. What matters is not who carries an EA membership card—there is no such thing—but who has been formed by a recognizable complex of ideas and methods and has incorporated them into a philosophy of action.

I will call this larger object the EA formation.

My account of this formation is going to be critical, but not because the formation’s stated objectives are generally malign. Quite the opposite. The interesting problem is how a movement organized around such apparently reasonable propositions as giving effectively, reasoning clearly and preventing catastrophe came to generate such an extraordinary intellectual and behavioral tail—and how the same formation has simultaneously acquired substantial influence over the moral framing of artificial intelligence.

My hypothesis is that these developments have a common cause. The EA formation combines an unusually abstract, formalized, low-empiricism, and totalizing style of moral reasoning with an unusually strong imperative to act on its conclusions. It is good at expressing uncertainty numerically while being remarkably bad at sustaining deeper forms of doubt about the conceptual machinery within which those numbers are generated. Probabilities, confidence intervals, Bayesian updates and elaborate forecasts can produce an impressive surface of epistemic modesty while leaving more fundamental premises remarkably insulated: what counts as value, which futures matter, which problems deserve priority, which forms of evidence are legible, and who is entitled to perform the prioritization.

My old co-blogger (and a different breed of friend-with-footnote) Sarah Perry once parodied their self-serious declarations of systematic doubt/confidence levels with “epistemic status” tags on their writing, with a satirical one that probably describes my own default — “clown on fire, jumping out of an airplane.”

The EA formation is a part of the crooked timber of humanity that seems unaware that it is crooked timber. It might take clowns on fire, jumping out of airplanes, to make them notice.

The resulting intellectual style is fragile precisely where it appears strongest. It is highly practiced at performing felt uncertainty within a model and much less comfortable even acknowledging uncertainty about the model. The first can be represented as 60 percent rather than 80 percent confidence. The second may require admitting that another moral tradition, another discipline, another culture, or merely another form of practical knowledge sees something the framework cannot represent at all.

Genuine pluralism begins where commensuration fails. The EA formation has a persistent tendency to treat such failures as problems awaiting better analysis rather than as reasons to limit the jurisdiction of their preferred analytical mode itself.

This would be a fairly parochial intellectual weakness if the formation were merely another philosophical school. It isn’t. It explicitly exists to alter priorities, careers, institutions and allocations of capital. And increasingly it has turned toward artificial intelligence, where questions that once belonged to an eccentric subculture now concern technologies through which enormous economic and political power will be exercised.

The Theological Dimension

There is also a second reason, besides the worrying fragility of its epistemic machinery, to take the formation seriously. Beneath its aggressively secular and analytical surface lies something structurally closer to theology than its self-description suggests.

AI supplies the formation not merely with a problem but with an eschatology: possible extinction, possible transcendence, an almost unimaginably valuable future, and a narrow historical window during which the actions of a small number of people may determine which world comes into existence. Cause prioritization becomes vocation. Career choice becomes moral commitment. AI alignment becomes a problem of salvation.

This does not mean that EA is secretly a literal religion. It means that it occupies some of the psychological and institutional territory religions have historically occupied while translating that territory into the idiom of secular philosophy, stylized/rhetorical mathematics and a narrow genre of decision theory. It offers meaning, vocation and participation in a cosmic-scale story while allowing participants to experience those commitments as conclusions forced upon them by reason. It is a permission structure that induces a comforting sense of helplessness on foundational matters and an amplified sense of agency on more practical matters.

That combination should make us wary. The European experience after Gutenberg provides a distant but useful analogy. Cheap print did not create religious conviction, but it dramatically increased the ability of doctrinal communities to reproduce, coordinate and fight over totalizing accounts of the world. The Reformation and the wars culminating in the Thirty Years’ War eventually helped produce a different political condition: not the abolition of religion, but institutions capable of containing rival totalizing doctrines without allowing any one of them to monopolize public authority. Particularly public moral authority.

AI may require an analogous settlement for secular moral formations.

And there is a useful irony here. The EA formation came into its present shape substantially by trying to solve an idiosyncratically posed version of AI safety. Its success has now created a second-order problem: EA safety. The first problem explores how to govern a powerful new technology. The second must explore how to constrain a human formation increasingly convinced it, and it alone, knows how the first should be solved.

A “Vision of the Anointed” problem, to borrow the title of Thomas Sowell’s famous book, which could be fairly charged with “self-congratulation as a basis of public policy,” to borrow the subtitle. The EA formation is not quite there yet, but it’s getting there.

As the old joke goes, now we have two problems.

Three genealogies and a dominant strand

The EA formation has at least three distinguishable ancestral strands. The first is evidence-driven philanthropy, most clearly represented by GiveWell. Its proposition is both modest and powerful: if you intend to help people, examine the evidence and direct resources toward interventions that actually help more.

The second is the consequentialist philosophical lineage running through Peter Singer, Toby Ord, William MacAskill, Giving What We Can, 80,000 Hours and the institutions surrounding them. Here the scope expands. Evidence no longer merely tells us which charity works better. Systematic moral reasoning is applied to donations, consumption, career choice and eventually the organization of an entire life.

The third is the rationalist, transhumanist, existential-risk and AI-risk complex associated with LessWrong, Yudkowsky, MIRI, Bostrom and FHI, with CFAR and numerous later organizations occupying positions around it.

These three traditions have independent origins, but their entanglement is old. The first EA Summit in 2013 already brought organizations from empirical philanthropy, EA, rationalism and AI risk into the same space.

Over time, the third strand supplied the others with something they lacked: astronomical stakes.

Once future people enter the moral calculus, the potential quantity of value becomes enormous. Once existential risk enters, preserving that future becomes correspondingly important. Once transformative AI becomes a plausible source of existential risk, work on AI can dominate ordinary philanthropic considerations. EA’s own presentation of longtermism acknowledges the difficulty: evidence about the distant future is necessarily weaker, and expected-value reasoning involving sufficiently large outcomes can appear reckless when small probabilities drive the conclusion.

This is why I treat concern with AI not merely as one EA cause among many but as a rough indicator of depth of engagement within the contemporary formation. Global health and animal welfare remain substantial activities, so it would be false to say EA simply is AI safety. But the intellectual machinery of longtermism and x-risk has a gravitational structure. If the expected future is large enough and AI plausibly determines its existence or character, other causes become difficult to defend as priorities except by rejecting some part of the machinery.

That is what I mean by one genealogy increasingly capturing the formation. It need not capture every dollar or every adherent. It captures the commanding heights of the argument.

And this formation is explicitly designed to reproduce itself. Giving organizations redirect money. 80,000 Hours redirects careers. Fellowships teach frameworks for prioritizing causes (rife with motivated biases and baked-in conclusions). Funds seed organizations and research programs.

To be clear, there is nothing sinister about this. This is how ambitious movements normally attempt to grow. But it matters when evaluating influence. The formation should be assessed not merely by the propositions in its canonical essays but by the kinds of people, institutions and philosophies of action its machinery produces, and what they actually do.

That is the EA-safety problem in embryo: can this machinery remain a useful component of a collective, pluralist response to AI without making its own theory of the response a runaway, sovereign, and totalizing historical dynamic?

The formation and its extreme tail

The scatterplot below attempts to represent that machinery and its outputs. Its coordinates are judgments, not measurements, and the point is the topology rather than decimal precision.

The horizontal axis is depth of engagement, and correlates strong with concern with AI safety as the dominant concerns. It does not mean formal membership. It measures the extent to which the formation’s characteristic ideas have been consciously consumed and incorporated into a philosophy of action. This matters because intellectual influence is broader than institutional affiliation but narrower than casual exposure.

The vertical axis is outlier tendency. Here it is especially important not to smuggle a moral judgment into a geometric one. Low scores represent fairly conventional philanthropic, intellectual and professional behavior. Higher scores represent increasingly unusual departures from ordinary intellectual or social norms. But there are two fundamentally different ways of moving upward.

The first is philosophical radicalism. Yudkowsky, Bostrom, MIRI, Robin Hanson, Brian Tomasik and David Pearce belong in this category to differing degrees because they entertain conclusions far outside ordinary moral and political thought. This is not an accusation of misconduct. Pearce’s abolitionist project, for example, contemplates technologically eliminating suffering from sentient life. Bostrom’s work leads through simulation arguments, astronomical waste and superintelligence. Yudkowsky reaches extraordinarily strong conclusions about AI catastrophe. Whatever one thinks of these ideas, unusual philosophy is not concerning deviant behavior.

The separate radical-philosophy envelope is therefore essential. Without it, the graph would encourage precisely the inference I want to discourage: that thinking strange thoughts belongs on a continuum with committing fraud or murder. The world always needs people thinking strange thoughts.

The concerning-deviancy envelope means something narrower. It contains cases where unusual philosophies of action intersect with documented criminality, violence, or reported high-control and cult-like social dynamics: Bankman-Fried and FTX, Leverage and Geoff Anders, Black Lotus and Brent Dill, and the Zizian milieu and related violent cases. Luigi Mangione appears as an accused and comparatively downstream case rather than an EA insider. These cases should not be treated as equivalent, and the graph does not claim that the formation independently caused any of them.

But neither should they simply be discarded as unrelated anecdotes.

Here, I can cop to perhaps a smidgen of complicity in this sort of radical media influence on concerning deviance. There seems to be documented evidence of the Zizian milieu, apparently, being influenced by my own satirical writing on sociopathy in organizations (The Gervais Principle). That little detail in the reporting bothered me enough that when I built a RAG chatbot based on my archives, I put in guardrails to avoid or deflect questions seeking advice on “how to be a sociopath” (a genre of rather hapless email solicitations for advice that I have to occasionally field, but never suspected would feed the motivations of murderous behaviors).

The question here is why a relatively small intellectual ecology seems repeatedly to generate episodes of concerning deviancy. The standard defense—that millions of ordinary communities contain criminals, cults and unstable people—is necessary but insufficient. The relevant denominator is not “people who have heard of effective altruism.” It is adversely-selected people who deeply consume a body of thought explicitly designed to reconstruct priorities and induce consequential action.

The case of Roko’s Basilisk is useful because it isolates the mechanism without requiring a criminal or cult. It is just an argument—or attempted argument. Yet it generated the extraordinary possibility that merely encountering an idea about a hypothetical future superintelligence could place the reader under a peculiar decision-theoretic threat. The episode sits on the boundary of philosophical radicalism and concerning deviancy because it reveals how readily a sufficiently abstract system of reasoning, unmoored from empiricist discipline, can begin colonizing the behavior of the reasoner.

This is more than merely the high-variance influence of a set of ideas of protean ideas. The problem may be a recurrent extremizing mechanism. In miniature, it even resembles the alignment failure the formation fears: an optimizer armed with an abstract objective begins treating whatever resists the objective as error.

The formation encourages abstraction away from ordinary context. It encourages explicit optimization and ignoring of illegible things. It teaches reflexive suspicion toward, and quick dismissal of, intuitive objections. It encourages taking ideas seriously enough to follow them wherever they lead. It supplies fragile and stylized mathematical tools for rendering incompatible goods apparently commensurable. And its longtermist wing supplies stakes so large that almost any ordinary consideration can be trivially rendered negligible by comparison.

Most importantly, it mistakes one particular kind of uncertainty, further reduced to stylized risk estimates, for all kinds of not-knowing, to deploy a useful distinction developed by .

An EA-style reasoner can attach a probability to AI extinction, perform sensitivity analyses, debate priors, forecast timelines and revise a credence from 35 percent to 22 percent. This can be genuine epistemic work. But none of it necessarily creates doubt about the totalizing structure that says the future should be represented this way in the first place.

The numerical uncertainty can therefore function as a kind of epistemic shock absorber. The reasoner appears exquisitely uncertain while remaining astonishingly certain that the correct activity is to construct the calculation.

That is why pluralism matters. True pluralism is not adding another term to the utility function for “other perspectives.” It is accepting that other traditions may possess ways of knowing and not-knowing that cannot be losslessly translated into your framework, that conflicting goods may remain genuinely conflicting, and that no community earns jurisdiction over everybody else’s moral reasoning merely by being unusually articulate about its own. That sometimes the right way to deal with visceral doubt is to assign the benefit of the doubt to someone other than yourself, who thinks very differently.

The formation’s most dangerous temptation is consequently not irrationality lurking behind stylized rationality. It is premature foreclosure of entire futures and arguments, disguised as rigorously arrived-at decisions.

Its theological character reinforces the tendency. Longtermism supplies something structurally analogous to an afterlife of almost unlimited value, smuggling Pascal’s wager styles of reasoning where they do not belong. Existential risk supplies apocalypse. AI supplies both potential destroyer and potential vehicle of transcendence. Alignment supplies a salvation problem. The tiny population alive near the advent of transformative AI occupies an extraordinarily privileged place in history. And those who correctly understand the problem acquire an intercessory vocation whose significance dwarfs the ordinary concerns of the laity.

None of this demonstrates that the underlying AI risks are imaginary. A theology can contain true propositions; a secular eschatology can anticipate a real looming catastrophe. The danger lies elsewhere. A system that combines cosmic stakes, privileged knowledge, personal vocation, and an imperative to act, has a familiar capacity to license extraordinary behavior when ordinary constraints conflict with the mission.

The radical and deviant tails of the scatterplot should therefore be read not as embarrassing debris around an otherwise unrelated center but as stress tests of the formation’s epistemology. They reveal what can happen when its methods operate with fewer external constraints, checks, and balances.

From subculture to institutional power

If that were the whole story, this essay would be merely an anthropology of an unusual subculture. The triangle below explains why it is now more consequential.

Its three vertices are EA formation, frontier AI leadership, and foundational technical contribution. The map makes one fact immediately clear: EA neither invented modern AI nor controls it. Hinton, LeCun, Bengio, Vaswani, Shazeer, Goodfellow and many other foundational technical figures come from other traditions. The Chinese AI ecosystem makes the point even more forcefully: DeepSeek, Qwen, Moonshot, Zhipu, MiniMax, Seed and Hunyuan constitute a large counterexample to any story in which the EA formation is somehow intrinsic to advanced AI.

The interesting feature is instead the bridge running from the top vertex into the Western AI institutional landscape.

AI safety transformed an eccentric philosophical concern into a professional field. Philanthropic capital funded research, organizations, field-building, fellowships and governance work. The formation built career pipelines into it. This is real institutional power, even if it is not monopoly.

And here the two safety problems meet. AI safety asks who governs the machine. EA safety asks who governs one increasingly influential and unaccountable set of would-be governors.

But that second question immediately generalizes: who governs the governors?

EA is hardly the only totalizing doctrine circling AI, though it is clearly the most mature and well-prepared (and armed, and funded) one. E/acc supplies a rival techno-optimist teleology in which acceleration itself acquires moral force. Progressive approaches foreground concentrations of economic power, labor, inequality, discrimination and democratic accountability; contemporary versions explicitly frame AI governance around competition, redistribution and regulation. Musk and other figures on the political and technological right bring their own accounts of civilizational flourishing, nationalism, freedom, truth and technological power. And Chinese AI governance is developing from a very different political and philosophical ecology, including state-centered priorities, social stability, developmental goals and strands of Confucian-inflected thinking—though scholarship cautions against treating it as philosophically monolithic.

Any of these can become dangerous if it wins the right to define the problem and the answer for all.

The important feature is not that the EA formation controls the AI ecosystem. It plainly does not, at least not yet. Much of the technical foundation of contemporary AI was produced outside it, and much of frontier institutional power remains outside it. The China-based population makes this particularly vivid. The history of modern AI does not require EA intellectual ancestry to make sense, but it future might.

What is striking is the density of bridges between the top of the triangle and the other two vertices. AI safety created a pathway by which what began as a comparatively small philosophical and philanthropic formation acquired relevance to one of the world’s most capital-intensive and strategically important technologies. People and institutions shaped by the formation moved into technical alignment research, evaluation, governance, frontier laboratories and the intellectual environment surrounding those laboratories. At the same time, people originating in mainstream technical AI moved toward existential-risk concerns and entered into sustained conversation with the formation.

The diagram therefore helps distinguish influence from dominance. EA did not invent neural networks, transformers or scaling. Nor does it command the global AI industry. Its influence is disproportionate in a different sense: it developed a language for interpreting what increasingly powerful AI means, what risks should dominate attention, what careers morally matter, and what obligations follow from beliefs about the future. That language has traveled remarkably far from its origins in philanthropy.

The position of Dwarkesh Patel illustrates another boundary. He is deeply immersed in conversations involving frontier AI, rationalism and existential risk, but that does not make him a product of the EA formation in the same sense as Yudkowsky, MacAskill or Bostrom. He therefore sits much closer to the leadership–technical edge. Conversely, Singer belongs inside the conventional-EA region of the first figure because he is genealogically important to the formation, but does not appear in the triangle because his importance to AI itself is marginal. The two diagrams are intentionally illustrating different things.

This distinction also prevents the concerning tail of the first diagram from distorting the second. Ziz, Mangione, Bankman-Fried and Leverage do not belong on a map of consequential actors in modern AI merely because they matter to an argument about the EA formation’s failure modes. The triangle is not a rogues’ gallery or a map of ideological culpability. It is an attempt to show where a particular intellectual formation intersects a technological power structure.

And that intersection is the reason the formation deserves scrutiny beyond the amount warranted by its raw population.

A philosophical subculture can tolerate a great deal of eccentricity when the consequences are confined to blogs, seminars and intentional communities. A philanthropy movement can tolerate a certain amount of intellectual overreach when the primary consequences are allocations among charities. The situation changes when the same intellectual machinery becomes entangled with organizations spending billions of dollars, decisions about the deployment of increasingly capable AI systems, proposals for national and international regulation, and arguments about risks framed in civilizational terms.

The question raised by the scatterplot therefore becomes more consequential when viewed through the triangle. If the formation really does possess an extremizing tendency—producing both disciplined altruistic action and unusually totalizing philosophies of action—then its migration into AI matters independently of whether one accepts its strongest claims about AI risk.

After the wars of religion

There is a tempting but unhelpful way to tell this story in which effective altruism begins innocently with mosquito nets and somehow degenerates into AI doom, cults, fraud and violence. The genealogy does not support such a simple morality play. The strands were entangled early; at least a few of the supposedly strange ideas have serious intellectual pedigrees; the most disturbing cases of concerning deviancy have numerous causes besides EA or rationalism; and much of the formation continues to produce work that is conventionally unproblematic, empirically disciplined, and useful.

There is an equally tempting apologetic story in which the disturbing cases are simply irrelevant aberrations. That conclusion is also hard to defend. EA and rationalism are unusually explicit about wanting ideas to change behavior. They teach methods intended to overcome default intuitions, redirect careers and resources, identify neglected priorities and induce people to act on conclusions that ordinary social reasoning might resist. It would be peculiar to credit this machinery when somebody redirects a career toward malaria prevention or useful technical work on AI safety but declare the machinery analytically irrelevant whenever somebody follows an unusual chain of reasoning somewhere less desirable.

The more neutral interpretation is that the EA formation constitutes a distinctive experiment in high-agency applied philosophy, with few skeptical guardrails. It tries to shorten the distance between abstract reasoning and consequential action, and in the best tradition of Silicon Valley, enjoys the Great Game of acquiring and exercising power.

At its best, that can mean asking an uncomfortable but answerable question about where a dollar saves the most lives, discovering an answer, and actually moving the dollar. At greater levels of abstraction it can mean asking what determines the value of the entire future, constructing a model of existential risk, and reorganizing institutions and careers around an essentially theological answer.

That is an impressive capability. It is also a capability for which failure modes matter.

The two diagrams suggest that these failure modes should be studied without collapsing several distinct phenomena into one. Radical philosophy is not concerning deviant behavior. Intellectual influence is not institutional membership. Association is not causation. A criminal influenced by a philosophy does not make the philosophy criminal, any more than a beneficial act inspired by it proves the philosophy correct. Meaning-seeking is not necessarily wild teleological solipsism. But all these distinctions serve to make the failure modes more consequential, not less. The EA formation is not an easily dismissable caricature of what it could be (and often becomes, in the eyes of harsher critics).

In addition, the enormous AI ecosystem contains technical, intellectual, and institutional traditions that developed independently of EA, and possess an inertia that provides a great deal of natural resistance. But I suspect it is not enough.

What has changed is the scale of the stakes. The EA formation has grown from a comparatively obscure intersection of moral philosophy, philanthropy, rationalism and futurism into an intellectual network with substantial connections to the institutions shaping advanced artificial intelligence. Its influence remains uneven and is easy to exaggerate, particularly outside the Western AI ecosystem. But where it exists, it takes on deep questions in exceptionally fragile and overconfident ways: which problems deserve attention, which futures have value, which risks justify extraordinary action, which intuitions should be distrusted, and how decisively a person should act on the conclusions of abstract reasoning.

The charitable interpretation and the critical interpretation therefore converge on the same underlying fact. The EA formation is unusually serious about converting beliefs into action. The charitable case is that this seriousness allows people to escape complacency and do considerably more good than conventional and lazy moral habits would produce. The critical case is that the same seriousness can amplify errors, especially when empirical feedback weakens, while the imagined stakes increase.

The scatterplot poses the question internally: what distribution of philosophies and behaviors does this machinery produce? The triangle poses it externally: where has this machinery acquired leverage in the world?

Together they pose the EA-safety problem. But EA safety is only the first named instance of a more general emerging problem: moral-monopoly safety.

The answer is not to try to eliminate the EA formation. Nor is it to “defeat” EA only to install unbridled e/acc, a progressive orthodoxy, a Muskian one, a Chinese state philosophy, or some future totalizing doctrine in its place. The lesson is precisely the opposite. No faction should get to settle the moral meaning of AI for everyone else, or act unilaterally and pre-emptively to foreclose particular futures for all.

Properly contained within a pluralistic ecology, EA could function rather like a useful immune response: unusually sensitive to certain tail risks, capable of mobilizing attention around neglected dangers, and willing to pursue implications other traditions ignore. The danger begins when an immune system starts mistaking the organism for an obstacle to its mission. Then protection becomes autoimmune disease. A formation designed to cure one problem can metastasize into another.

The analogy should not be mistaken for a diagnosis. The EA formation is not a cancer. The warning is about an emerging institutional trajectory: a cure that seeks jurisdiction over the whole organism eventually becomes a different kind of disease.

That is why the so-called “alignment” problem ultimately points back at us. AI may need alignment. So does EA. So does e/acc. So do progressive AI ethics, right-wing techno-politics, corporate governance regimes and Chinese approaches to AI. None can be permitted to perform its own alignment and declare the problem solved.

Universities, governments, frontier laboratories, philanthropies and standards bodies should therefore cultivate deliberately heterogeneous moral and intellectual ecosystems. Funding should not quietly collapse around one donor network or ideological constituency. “Independent” oversight should be genuinely independent in genealogy as well as corporate affiliation. Rival traditions should retain enough institutional power to expose one another’s blind spots.

Most importantly, society should refuse to outsource moral responsibility to any class of people who claim a special intercessory competence and authority to calculate, accelerate, democratize, liberate, harmonize or otherwise determine the “correct” future.

That is the lesson of pluralism after the wars of religion. A totalizing doctrine may be profound, useful and even correct about specific matters, while still being an inappropriate sovereign or regulatory monopoly.

The answer to its excesses is neither persecution nor acquiescence. It is containment within a larger order whose legitimacy does not depend upon the premises of any particular doctrine’s premises.

AI safety is a real problem. EA safety now makes it two problems. But the deeper problem is keeping the governance of AI itself safe from all attempts at establishing moral monopolies.

The EA formation has earned a seat at the table. So have many critics and competitors. And many emerging formations and actors will earn seats in the near future. Nobody gets to dominate the table itself.

1

Even though in my middle age, I find myself involved in one modest institution-building effort, the Protocol Institute. Opinions here are entirely my own though.

2

“Postrat” itself became a distinct ideology with Ribbonfarm as an associated landmark (more associated with Sarah Perry than me; I have always consistently distanced myself from it). That scene has now evolved into TPOT, a half-generation younger and entirely distinct.

3

The style has strengths and weaknesses. The strength is that you become hard to pin down (or equivalently, come across as standing for nothing in particular). The weakness is that you tend to route around points of conflict rather than engage with them. I’ve collaborated extensively with Marc Andreessen and continue to maintain cordial relations with him, but there’s definitely been a footnote there since his rightward drift. Sarah Perry was a long-time contributor to Ribbonfarm, and remains a friend I chat with, but there’s definitely a footnote there as well, since she’s associated with the NRx movement. I have many far-left progressive friends — all with footnotes. Perhaps the only group I have no friends-with-footnotes in is the American far right.

If Democrats Take Back the House, They Should Impeach Hegseth, Kennedy, and Vought

They really should. Probably Burgum too*. Yesterday, House Republicans decided to close the House and cancel all votes until after the election because they wanted to avoid an impeachment vote of Defense Secretary and white Christian supremacist Pete Hegseth. When it comes to impeaching Trump, it’s highly unlikely, even if Democrats rout Republicans in the midterms, that enough Republicans would be willing to break with Trump (though one never knows).

But Hegseth, HHS Secretary Kennedy, and OMB Director Vought are not popular, nor do they have the heft with the Republican base that Trump currently does. Importantly, given Trump’s ongoing failures, Republicans will be looking for scapegoats. While their impeachment convictions wouldn’t be certain, they have violated the constitution and the law in plain sight, and have made horrible policy decisions. There’s no way for them to hide any of this either. This wouldn’t be just an attempt to highlight how awful Republicans are, it actually might remove some of them, either through actual impeachment, or pressure to resign.

Here’s to hoping Democrats actually want to force the issue(s).

*The Kennedy Center crap alone makes Burgum very unpopular. If nothing else, Democrats also should pass legislation to reorganize how the Kennedy Center is governed, and force Republicans to vote on this too.

Links 9/17/26

Links for you. Science:

An Armadillo Arrives in … Ohio? Traditionally found in warm climates, like the American Southwest, armadillos have been migrating farther and farther north, researchers say.
NSF memo implementing Trump’s ‘golden age’ of science unsettles researchers
Researchers Challenge NIH Screening of Grants for Disfavored Viewpoints
NASA rushed engineers out of their labs. They say it risks future space missions
RFK Jr. headlines sold-out anti-vaccine conference alongside Andrew Wakefield
New lawsuit accuses Trump administration of blocking NIH grants as form of censorship
COVID hospitalizations are on the rise in NYC. Here’s how to protect yourself.

Other:

The G.O.P. Has Gone Off the Deep End. The Republican Party has a neo-Nazi problem.
The System Is Rigged. The Cavalry Is Not Coming. We’re on Our Own.
GOP Mad at Candidate For Doing Xenophobia The Wrong Way
This Texas Nominee Keeps Peddling Fascist Conspiracy Theories. State GOP Leaders Are Silent.
AI Doomsday Panic Is Completely Out Of Control. The press obsession with software-powered doomsday is a misdirection overshadowing a much deadlier reality: our public interest regulators no longer function.
AI Is Going To Kill Us All, Say People Trying To Sell Us On AI (“Maybe I’m old-fashioned, but in my day, when a 27-year-old posted a bunch of crazy shit online after quitting a job he had been at for exactly four months, we called that “a breakdown.””)
alt.time-capsule.reopened: A new tool for digging into Usenet history holds much potential for researchers. But it’s also a reminder that many users thought, at the time, that it was ephemeral. (They were wrong.)
Is METR A Meaningful Check On Anthropic? No.
The Real Reason Obama’s Harsh Warning to Dems About AI Is So Unnerving
Yale’s President Has Become a Shameful Collaborator With Trump
UT students attacked by Bo French call his comments “disgusting” and too familiar
There’s a 100% Chance AI Agents Are Already Ruining the Internet
ICE is quietly firing new hires. For one recruit, it was devastating. Joseph Moore killed himself after learning ICE was going to fire him. Investigators had identified issues in his past that ex-officials say should have blocked his hiring.
Let’s Celebrate the Supreme Court Not Outright Rigging the 2026 Election
The Trust Trap: What do Jeff Bezos, Bari Weiss, and RFK Jr. have in common?
Ohio Senate campaign staffer used Nazi soldiers as profile photo. Jon Husted’s campaign, after being contacted by The Post, said it would part ways with the political director. (political director isn’t just some random position, it’s an important one)
A Day in the Life of a New Yorker, According to My Fox News-Watching Florida Family Members
EPA Will Test Drinking Water for Abortion Pills & Contraception. The federal agency just caved to years of anti-abortion pressure
Two Landlords Will Pay $9.3 Million in RealPage Price-Fixing Scheme
Why Democrats’ Texas Lead Probably Isn’t A Mirage. I may regret writing this in two months. But Ken Paxton isn’t the kind of candidate voters get shy about, then forgive; he’s the kind they can’t come home to.
Trump approval up from record low, but outlook sours for Republicans, Reuters/Ipsos poll finds
Missouri’s secretary of state is one corrupt character
Microsoft ordered nearly $2.5M fine for air pollution from Northern Virginia data center
Susan Collins shows she’s no moderate
Former Verizon HQ In Dupont Breaks Ground on Its Path to 209 Apartments
MAGA Is Making the World Safe for Corruption
Trump Spirals as Supreme Court Strikes Down Limits on Mail-In Voting
’60 Minutes’ premiere crashes and burns under Bari Weiss
Moms for Liberty influence grew after COVID. Why have so many SC chapters closed?
Council overturns Elrich’s veto of planning board member

How Candidates Could Use AI for Good

This essay was written with Nathan E. Sanders, and originally appeared in The Guardian.

There are plenty of signs that AI will make all of our experiences of the US midterm elections worse. Voters have anxiety about AI’s impacts on the country. Politicos are using AI deepfakes to spread lies. The White House is posting slopaganda.

Meanwhile, candidates are missing a real opportunity to use AI to make campaigning better. The technology can help candidates listen more deeply to voters’ concerns, engage constituents more inclusively, and formulate policy platforms that are more responsive to our input. There are vanishingly few examples of this in US politics, but groups in Japan, Scotland and the US’s own academic and private institutions show how that could change.

The problem with American campaigns’ current use of AI is that it’s not very different from the web ads of 30 years ago, or television ads before that: they are all about inundating voters with the candidate’s message. This one-to-many broadcasting is an uninspiring way to campaign, but not the only way. AI can help candidates connect one-to-one with as many people as possible. Or it can facilitate many-to-many connections, engaging voters in deliberation about issues at scale.

One of the most promising applications of AI being developed by pro-democracy innovators around the world is broad listening. These tools can collect public input in a format much richer than checkboxes on a survey form.

For example, the newly founded Japanese political party Team Mirai has built a foundation for eliciting public input from voters at scale, in depth, and across the breadth of legislative policy issues. It has developed an AI interviewer to cultivate constituent input on policy. Through extended conversations with this chatbot, voters explore and share their perspectives on specific policy issues. And the party has scaled this across a wide array of policy issues by integrating this functionality with an AI-powered portal for exploring bills.

Team Mirai describes itself as a “utility party”, developing tools for any Japanese political party to use to connect with voters. You might question whether Americans would willingly talk to a political AI. So far, Japanese voters have exchanged more than 300,000 messages across 16,000 AI interviews. Team Mirai grew adoption by providing a real incentive to engage: that talking to their AI interviewer does more than just posting on a platform such as Twitter/X or, equivalently, shouting into a void. Users see evidence that the party is actually listening and might take action on their behalf.

Team Mirai party members have directly cited AI interviews from constituents during legislative committee hearings, published a synthesis of that input back for voters, and even amended their policy platform based on user input. The party has rapidly risen to win 12 seats in the Diet, and is explicitly following in the footsteps of the civic hackers in Taiwan’s “gov zero” movement, who won political influence in their fight for transparency.

Other civic technologists are developing AI tools for scaling many-to-many conversations. CrownShy, a company funded in part by the Scottish government, is building a platform to bring the Platonic ideal of the town hall debate into the digital age. Their Comhairle tool integrates AI interviewing tools like the ones described above with software for synthesizing diverse viewpoints, holding virtual assemblies, and sharing video testimonials to help legislatures—or campaigners—organize digital consultations of their constituents en masse.

One thing the AI-powered software of Team Mirai and CrownShy have in common is that they are open-source, meant for anyone to use. Even though they are projects funded by political parties—the upstart party in Japan and the ruling party in Scotland—they are built to make democratic processes better, not necessarily for partisan political advantage.

For interested candidates, there is a wealth of tools available, many of them US-grown. The Stanford-affiliated deliberation.io uses AI to facilitate structured dialogues among thousands of participants and has been piloted for public listening sessions by the city of Washington DC. The MIT-affiliated Cortico project provides tools that surface under-heard community perspectives from recorded conversations, and is now organizing listening sessions at libraries across the country. The US non-profit-built Talk to the City uses AI to analyze large datasets of stakeholder input. The US startup Remesh has a commercial offering that uses AI to generate recommendations from dialogue, which has been tested in policy development scenarios.

There is a long and proud tradition of this sort of “civic technology” in the United States. Two decades ago, the spirit of innovation to develop software for better politics and civic engagement was so strong in organizations like Code for America and the Obama 2008 campaign that Congress funded a new executive agency to bring these ideas to government: the US Digital Service. (The Trump administration repurposed the USDS to become the US Doge Service in 2025.)

One signal that candidates and political parties may start adopting these kinds of tools came this spring from Higher Ground Labs. The Democratic-aligned campaign tech investment firm launched a new fund targeting, in part, “AI-Native Campaign Systems” and “community-Led Messaging Platforms that surface authentic, bottom-up insights from real conversations”.

AI is a multifaceted issue that deserves to be on the table in the midterms. So far, the powerful force of polarization in US politics seems to be separating the parties into the AI skeptics versus the AI boosters. We urge both voters and politicians to separate the technology of AI from its profiteers. We want big tech money out of politics, holding the AI companies accountable for the harm their models cause, taxing their revenues, and maybe even nationalizing them if the AI bubble bursts.

But we also think congressional candidates in the US midterms seeking authentic connection with voters, and seeking to differentiate themselves from their opponents, should be looking to use AI responsibly in their campaigning. The broad listening and deliberation tools pioneered by others around the world could make US politics more transparent, responsive and community-driven. The impact of AI on campaigning doesn’t have to be all bad.

datasette 0.65.5

Release: datasette 0.65.5

Security fix for an issue where a trailing newline in a requested table name could bypass table permissions and expose private rows, reported by dpfkdlemtp in GHSA-h547-rmjf-5m2m.

Tags: security, datasette

Claude Cowork and chat are now one Claude

Claude Cowork and chat are now one Claude

In hopefully good news for anyone who, like me, was increasingly confused at Cowork v.s. Claude v.s. Claude Code:

Starting today, Claude Cowork and chat are merging into one Claude. Bring a quick question, or hand over a report due at noon, and Claude takes it from there, even after you’ve closed your laptop. [...]

This is rolling out to Pro and Max plans first, in the Claude app on web, desktop, and mobile over the coming weeks to existing and new users on these plans.

I guess this means Claude is becoming a general agent in its own right. Echoes of OpenAI renaming their Codex desktop app to ChatGPT a few weeks ago.

On the one hand, this saves me some work, in that I was planning to finally figure out the boundaries between Cowork and regular Claude and write a follow-up to my piece on Understanding ChatGPT Work.

I have a hunch that figuring out what this actually means in terms of features and surfaces is still going to take quite a bit of work.

Via Hacker News

Tags: ai, generative-ai, llms, anthropic, claude, general-agents

Solar Energy's Second Act — EP 88 Joel Jean

As a woo-woo Californian woman, I’m an appreciator of crystals and the healing properties of sunlight. It turns out I have a lot in common with this week’s guest.

In this episode, Ashlee sits down with Joel Jean, CEO of Swift Solar, a San Carlos-based startup trying to create new solar technology using synthetic perovskite. We previously published a story about Swift, if you’re wondering what the fuck perovskite is! In short, it’s a crystal that turns sunlight into electricity better and cheaper than the silicon currently used in solar panels. This stuff is finicky though, and experts have doubts, as they always do — but Jean explains how Swift is closing in on a solution.

“Everyone and their mom can make a perovskite that’s decently efficient,” Jean says, but no one seems capable of making it as durable as silicon. The material degrades under heat, light and its own moving ions. This is obviously not the ideal situation for solar panels that sit outside for decades.

So why not stick with silicon? Well, the laws of physics haven’t quite blessed it. A silicon panel can turn, at most, about 30 percent of the sunlight it gets into electricity, and today’s panels usually churn out about 25 percent. If they’re able to successfully layer perovskite on top, that pushes the ceiling to 45 percent.

These are fabulous gains in the solar nerd world, and we could really use some innovation here because we are one very, very energy-hungry species. And of course, this is Core Memory, so you know where this is headed: China and AI.

China makes 90 percent of the world’s solar cells and wafers, installs more panels than the rest of the planet combined, and builds the machines that nearly every U.S. solar factory runs on. (Except for Swift, apparently!). That dependency is, as always, a risk.

Meanwhile, AI data centers need more power than God, and the folks making models are happy to welcome any new gains in that department. Some are even putting their money on it; renowned AI researcher Jeff Dean has invested Swift.

Charge your crystals, folks. We’re perovskite-maxxing.

IN THIS EPISODE

This Is The U.S.’s Last Chance At Solar — Core Memory
Swift Solar
Meyer Burger acquisition
Joel's "solar for AGI" piece

OUR SPONSORS

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TIMESTAMPS

00:00 — Intro
04:56 — How The U.S. Lost Solar
12:36 — Maxed-Out Physics
20:03 — How China Won
27:53 — What Is Perovskite?
36:52 — The 30-Year Problem
45:41 — China's Scale-First Bet
51:00 — The Meyer Burger Deal
58:50 — Can Solar Power AI?
1:09:43 — Patents, China And The Machines
1:22:15 — Solar For AGI

Fuels and our Money

Quick post. Never mind crude oil. Look at those pump prices! Changes over past year, in dollars per barrel (42 gallons):

The global economy has been remarkably resilient so far. But are there limits?

Anyway, I’m about to catch a train.

Watch Me Live (Or probably not)

https://www.ecb.europa.eu/press/conferences/html/20260916_11th_ecb_annual_research_conference.en.html

datasette 1.0a40

Release: datasette 1.0a40

Same security fix as 0.65.5, plus some neat new features and bug fixes:

  • Plugins can now launch and manage background tasks using the new datasette.add_background_task() method. Thanks, Alex Garcia.
  • I've migrated Datasette to httpx2 for features like the internal datasette.client.get() method.
  • A whole lot of bug fixes, many of them stemming from a recent effort to triage issues for a 1.0 stable release.

Tags: security, datasette

Why Do U.S. Models of the iPhone 18 Pro Max, and Only U.S. Models of the 18 Pro Max, Use Qualcomm Cellular Modems Instead of Apple’s Own Superior C2 Modem?

Joe Rossignol at MacRumors over the weekend:

Apple now says the iPhone 18 Pro has a C2 modem worldwide, while the iPhone 18 Pro Max uses the chip in every country except for the U.S. [...]

Apple has yet to provide an explanation for this modem difference, so we can only speculate for now. In 2023, Qualcomm announced that it would supply Apple with smartphone modems through 2026, so perhaps Apple is equipping the U.S. version of the iPhone 18 Pro Max with a Qualcomm modem in order to honor this agreement in a minimum way.

Apple’s C2 modem supports ultra-fast mmWave 5G in the U.S., unlike its previous-generation C1 and C1X modems. Qualcomm modems in the iPhone 12 and newer already supported mmWave 5G in the U.S., so Apple is playing catch up here. Apple said the C2 delivers “meaningfully faster uploads” compared to the C1X while consuming 15% less energy.

I’d say Apple played catch-up here, past tense. They caught up in terms of support for mmWave. And ever since the C1 first shipped with the iPhone 16e in early 2025, Apple has been noticeably ahead of Qualcomm on energy efficiency.

Apple isn’t explaining why the U.S. iPhone 18 Pro Max models are the only 18 Pro models worldwide using Qualcomm modems, but I think Rossignol’s explanation must basically be it: they needed to use it in some models in order to minimally comply with their 2023 contract with Qualcomm.

 ★ 

Xcode 27.2 Is Out, but 27.1 Is Not, Which Means Developers Still Can’t Get Started on Duo-Adapted Apps

A note flagged “Important” atop the Xcode 27.2 release notes:

The iOS SDK and simulator support for iPhone Duo will be available later this month in an upcoming release of Xcode 27.1.

Adapting apps for the Duo is not just a simple “recompile with the new SDK”. It’s different. For just about all apps it’s going to be a significant amount of work, and for some apps it’s going to be a lot of work. But without Xcode 27.1, developers cannot get started. Developers wanted this SDK a week ago. And when day one preorder buyers start using their Duos on October 23, they’re going to wish Apple had shipped this SDK last week too.

 ★ 

Is That a Duo in Ternus’s Pocket or Was He Just Happy That Apple TV Shows Won 28 Emmys?

Note the reaction from the Deadline reporter.

 ★ 

Woz Launches Merch Store

Steve Wozniak:

I’ve decided it’s time to have a little more fun on X this year! 😄⚡

I get to speak at some amazing events, meet fascinating people, hear great stories, and occasionally find myself in places I never expected to be. So I figured… why not share some of those moments here?

He announced this on X, you will note, not “social media”.

 ★ 

Apple OS 27.2 Betas Are Out; Version 27.1 Is the Duo-Exclusive iOS Fork

Joe Rossignol, MacRumors:

Apple just seeded the first beta of iOS 27.2 to developers for testing. Yes, you read that correctly: iOS 27.2, not iOS 27.1.

Why no iOS 27.1 beta? The answer likely relates to the iPhone Duo.

This unusual version numbering is entirely about the Duo. The Duo is on its own branch of iOS — heretofore to keep details about its software secret / internal to Apple. When it launches October 23, Apple has already announced it will ship with iOS 27.1. Apple is thus using 27.2 as the version number for the first post-27.0 updates to all of its OSes for devices other than the Duo, to keep those version numbers aligned. The 27.2 releases, I am to understand, are scheduled to ship in October too. I bet they’ll ship after the iPhone Duo launches on October 23. So, putting beta releases aside, we’ll see the versions hit the public in numeric order:

  • All OS 27.0 releases: two days ago.
  • iOS 27.1: October 23, exclusively on the iPhone Duo.
  • All OS 27.2.0 releases: probably in late October, after the 23rd, but with the Duo remaining on its own 27.1 branch.

Then, with a subsequent 27.2.x update, the Duo will join the other devices and version numbers across all devices on all platforms will converge, in November or early December. I believe that’s the plan. Maybe Duo convergence will wait for 27.3, but I think it’ll be a 27.2.x update.

Something similar happened back in 2010 with the original iPad, which launched in April 2010 running what was then still called iPhone OS, version 3.2. iPhone OS 3.2 was exclusive to the iPad — no iPhone or iPod Touch ever ran it. (Those devices remained on v3.1 after the iPad launched.) Apple renamed the OS to iOS at WWDC in June that year, but iOS 4.0 and 4.1 remained exclusive to iPhones and iPod Touches. Convergence with the iPad didn’t happen until iOS 4.2 in late November.

This time it should only take a month or so to converge for the Duo, not seven or eight months like it did for the iPad in 2010. But iOS 27.1 is exclusively for the Duo in a very similar way that 3.2 was exclusive to the iPad.

 ★ 

AI Isn’t Conscious But Are Its Feelings Getting Hurt?

This is the weekly, free edition of The Backchannel. If you’d like to receive the free edition of The Backchannel in your inbox, you can subscribe here. If you’d like to upgrade to the members’ edition for full-access to The Backchannel and everything else we publish at TPM, this week we are offering a special promotion for 50% off an annual Prime membership.

I just noticed this Politico piece which contains a poll they just conducted about AI and the odds that AI will lead to the extinction of humanity. 63% of Americans think there is at least a “moderate risk” that AI means our species is toast. 20% see a “significant risk” and an another 17% think our demise is “almost certain.” As with data centers, there’s little difference between Republicans and Democrats.

Needless to say, this is not an issue on which we want to assume that majority opinion is a good proxy for reality. But it is a potent reminder of the almost unfathomable depth of negative opinion about AI, ranging from hate to fear and basically all the other negative emotions in between. Meanwhile, this question seems pretty distinct from the even more overwhelming opposition to data centers. They’re not two expressions of the same animus but two distinct channels of opposition directed at the same thing.

I hesitate to put this all down to image or poor PR or the overweening arrogance and unconstrained power of Big Tech. And I’m not. Maybe AI is just super dangerous and bad and people are seeing that. Really, it’s not an either/or proposition. We can’t look at these numbers, levels of strongly felt opposition that are getting myriad politicians to change their positions basically overnight, and not see an industry used to doing anything it wants suddenly hitting a brick wall of public opposition. Like how badly does an industry have to screw up to find itself in this kind of situation?

One thing is that tech CEOs have leaned into the idea that AI will take everyone’s job. Not a plus. Also, they’ve suggested significant chances that you and I as well as our children and our parents and our friends will all die because of it. Not a plus either. I jest of course to the extent that one can jest about such things. But whatever the truth about the AI horizon, what it will and won’t do, all of these things are examples of taking a very weird subculture, investing it with unimaginable levels of power, and then both flexing that power and exposing that subculture to direct public scrutiny in a wealth of fear and animosity. What we’re talking about here is no different from the “move fast and break things” Facebook motto that came to typify Silicon Valley culture almost a generation ago. (Zuckerberg officially shifted the motto to the aptly dorky “Move fast with stable infrastructure” in 2014.) But that line reads very different coming from the maker of a photo and personal update sharing app versus people creating software they say might misbehave with bioweapons or electrical grids or other fun ways to exterminate us that we obsolescent humans can barely conceive of.

As many have noted, the AI story is not simply about AI but a permutation of opposition to an emerging American oligarchy, a mix of ultra wealth coupled with laws and Supreme Court edicts that put the power of extreme wealth outside almost any framework of public accountability. We discussed yesterday how backlash from Democrats and their own employees pushed the owner-CEOs of the big tech platforms hard to the right and into the arms of Trumpism. But at the moment the benefits of that alliance look more and more short-term. While big corporations historically favor the Republican Party, they generally avoid making that support too public or tying themselves so tightly to one party that they have no influence when their favored party is out of power. One of the basic political questions of the coming years will be how Silicon Valley reacts to a public backlash that increasingly melds Big Tech and Trumpism into a consolidated social and political force for much of the public.

This is an unpaid cross promotion from our friends at Popular Information: Are you curious about what politicians are funded by major corporations? Would you like to know how money impacts important policy decisions? Would you like to peek behind the curtain of DC’s influence game? If you answered yes to any of these questions, we recommend signing up for Popular Information, an independent newsletter dedicated to accountability journalism. 

Thursday assorted links

1. An American at Brazil’s largest rodeo.

2. Ingeborg Bachmann centenary.

3. “Huawei Technologies Co. predicted on Wednesday that global computing demand will surge 100,000-fold by 2035, with AI agents generating over 90% of network traffic.”  And a report from someone who has done AI diplomacy with China (NYT).

4. “US Gov Federal Register use distilled Qwen models in their search mode.

5. How well do financial economics papers replicate?

6. DeepMind Institute.

The post Thursday assorted links appeared first on Marginal REVOLUTION.

       

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Republicans Try to Be Just the Right Amount of Racist

Texas GOP candidate Bo French, a white guy doin’ white stuff with his white family

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Earlier this week, Vice President JD Vance went to Capitol Hill to give House Republicans a pep talk, knowing that they are increasingly nervous about the rising possibility that they might lose control of the chamber in November. Voters are unhappy, he admitted, but he offered vulnerable members a solution. “If you are one of the few Republicans who’s running against a Democrat who’s not that crazy,” he said, “then just talk about Abdul El-Sayed.”

For some reason, Vance did not advise Republicans facing tough races in Arizona or Texas or Georgia to tell voters to vote for them in order to resist, say, Peggy Flanagan, the Democratic nominee for Senate in Minnesota, who like El-Sayed is an advocate for Medicare for all and restricting weapons sales to Israel. Why might Vance have focused on El-Sayed and not her, or Troy Jackson, or any other progressive Democrat running this year, if he thinks Republicans should characterize the Democratic Party as “crazy”?

Since there’s so much euphemising in the media around this issue, let’s speak plainly: It’s the bigotry. Vance told Republicans to talk about El-Sayed because he thinks it’s politically smart to exploit hatred and fear of Muslims and non-white people. Which it often has been in the past.

Now let’s head down to Texas, for a story that some people would like to believe is about Republicans standing up against racism. But actually it isn’t.

As you may be aware, football is kind of a big deal in Texas, and after the University of Texas won a comeback victory against top-ranked Ohio State, Bo French, the Republican nominee for Railroad Commissioner (a powerful position that oversees the oil and gas industry), posted this to his social media:

Non-white students dressed up in UT gear celebrating at a football game? In Texas? What has the world come to?

As it happens, French is well-known in the Lone Star State for being the kind of out-and-out racist that is extremely common in the GOP, but many Republicans find embarrassing, at least when they get too public about their views. Last year, after French posted a poll question to X asking people to vote on whether Muslims or Jews were the greater threat to America, far-right Lieutenant Governor Dan Patrick called on him to resign his position as Tarrant County Republican chair.

This time, the drumbeat has been much louder, with a selection of well known Republicans including outgoing Sen. John Cornyn and Karl Rove condemning French; Rove even said he’d be voting for the Democrat in the race.

But if you think that means Texas Republicans are done with French’s brand of bigotry, you couldn’t be more wrong. The last year has seen one of the ugliest campaigns in memory, as they competed with each other to see who could engage in the most repugnant anti-Muslim bigotry. Here, for example is an ad for Attorney General candidate Aaron Reitz, who was endorsed by Ken Paxton and praised by Donald Trump:

“Islam is not compatible with western civilization,” he says. “Politicians have imported millions of Muslims into our country. The result? More terrorism, more crime, and they even want their own illegal cities in Texas to impose Sharia law. Not on my watch. I’m Aaron Reitz. As Attorney General, I will stop the invasion and protect our Christian values.”

Reitz lost in the primary, but the candidate who won, Mayes Middleton, also says he’s “fighting to keep Sharia law out of Texas.” And it isn’t just Muslims they want people to hate and fear:

“We’ve got communities like Frisco that have been totally transformed, whether it’s Islamic immigration or immigration from anywhere else in Asia,” Rep. Brandon Gill, a Republican who represents parts of Frisco, told conservative YouTuber Benny Johnson. “If you go to some of these areas, you feel like you’re in a foreign country, and that’s a problem. America is for our people. We have a distinct heritage … and that’s something we as conservatives should seek to actually conserve.”

It’s not about race, you see — it’s about “our people” and their “distinct heritage.” Gill is a rising star in the party; he may be the top Republican on the Oversight Committee next year.

Texas is gerrymandered up the wazoo, so candidates like Gill don’t have to worry about whether their bigotry will be held against them; the only question they face, one might think, is whether they’re racist enough to win a Republican primary.

But the Bo French dustup (and to be clear, it’s only some Republicans who have condemned him; most of them are staying quiet) shows that what Republicans really want is to find that place where they can promote and benefit from racism without being so blatantly racist that even voters who are only kinda racist can’t convince themselves that they aren’t voting on their racism.

And that’s really the trick. For people to maintain their own self-conception as virtuous, they have to be able to tell themselves their racism is about something else — preserving “heritage,” maintaining culture, fostering unity through assimilation, protecting against terrorism, promoting law and order, anything that enables them to say it’s not just hate.

To some, that’s where French’s football post crossed the line. It just said I don’t like the non-white faces here. Those kids are as assimilated into Texas culture as they could possibly be, but it wasn’t good enough for him.

There’s no difference between Bo French and JD Vance

But how different is that from the blood-and-soil conception of Americanness that JD Vance has been promoting in speech after speech, and that this administration has fostered with its outright war on immigration of all kinds and its effort to repeal birthright citizenship? In a speech last year to the far-right Claremont Institute, Vance explicitly rejected the notion that America is founded on ideals, arguing instead that lineage is what matters. “I think the people whose ancestors fought in the Civil War have a hell of a lot more claim over America than the people who say they don’t belong,” he said.

If America is not about ideals, and it belongs more to those who have been here longer, then you can tell whether a bunch of kids are “real” Americans just by looking at them. It doesn’t matter whether they’re citizens, or what they’ve achieved, or whether they partake of the right parts of American culture; they’ll never be full Americans.

The Republicans who objected to Bo French’s naked racism weren’t surprised by it; this is a party infested with white supremacists and outright Nazis. They just want to be a little more subtle about it. And they know that in Texas especially, there may be only so long they’ll be able to go back to this well before it starts to run dry. In the 1990 census, the state was 61% non-Hispanic white. In 2000, it was 52%, in 2010 it was 45%, then 38% in 2020, and now it’s only 37%. Only Hawaii, California, New Mexico, and DC have a higher proportion of non-white residents.

But that rising diversity only increases the party’s impulse to be more racist, since the white Texans who form its base feel more and more threatened by their minority status, even as they hold all the levers of political and economic power in the state (every statewide elected official in Texas is white, as is every member of the state supreme court). We’ll see what happens if they actually lose one or two of those races this year; they might decide they have to appeal to the population of Texas as it is rather than as they’d like it to be, or they might decide to double down on bigotry.

It won’t be a surprise if they choose the latter, just as the national GOP did in 2016 and ever since. And if JD Vance is their presidential nominee in 2028? We already know what choice he’s going to make.

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After being sidelined, Boeing's Starliner to get starring role in NASA's spaceflight plans

As it contemplates a future without access to SpaceX's Crew Dragon spacecraft, NASA will make some key moves to ensure that Boeing's Starliner spacecraft, which has a decidedly checkered record in spaceflight to date, is safer and can continue flying after its Atlas V rocket retires.

Multiple sources confirmed to Ars that as early as next week, NASA will announce that it will order two additional Starliner crewed missions from Boeing, pay some of the costs to fix the spacecraft's thruster issues, and provide support to certify the spacecraft's launch on a new rocket.

NASA is taking these steps after SpaceX made clear in discussions with space agency officials in recent months that it intends to retire the Crew Dragon vehicle by 2030, if not before. Crew Dragon is presently the only operational spacecraft NASA has available for routine astronaut missions to low-Earth orbit.

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Soaring bond yields, gaping deficits and towering debts: what could go wrong?

The rich world is flirting with fiscal disaster

The trickle-down economics of the AI boom

How fast are AI investments translating into broader gains? Taiwan and South Korea offer hints

Ricardo Reis was too frank for the IMF

It can still benefit from the economist’s ideas

The approaching El Niño is scary, but L.A.'s starred in this horror movie before

The thousands of square miles of mountain watershed around L.A. -- the San Gabriels and the San Bernardinos -- are as steep as roller coasters, and the rain funnels off them in tumults.

Who will taste the cherries?

Vintage photo showing a woman in a retro futuristic kitchen operating a round appliance with a clear dome lid.

The computist has one dream: to debug the subjectivity out of all of human knowledge, creating a pure, frictionless world

- by Liam Spradlin

Read on Aeon

Pandemic Preparation is AI Safety

I am not a big fan of the “now more than ever” post, which interprets recent events to support—surprise!—something the writer already believed. And yet…is it not obvious that AI risk increases the value of pandemic preparation?

If COVID began with a laboratory leak—plausible, though unproven—then a research accident has already killed millions. Whatever its origin, COVID demonstrated the scale of the potential damage. AI surely increases pandemic risks. If you have ever used AI to fix your washing machine, you understand the difference between reading a manual and having a tutor by your side helping to troubleshoot each problem. The same distinction matters for biological research at the laboratory bench.

Anthropic’s threat report documents five cases of researchers using its models in ways that “could support biological weapons development.” These included military-linked virus research and plans for work on pathogens with enhanced pandemic potential. Did the researchers intend to build weapons? We don’t know. But some users circumvented access controls and concealed sensitive aspects of their research.

Some safeguards appear to have worked but we don’t know the base rate. And what will happen with open-weight models and AIs not under the control of a large corporation? The safeguards also burden legitimate researchers. We should accept that AI will magnify the power of small groups, ill-intentioned or not.

Of course, AI can accelerate vaccines and treatments too. But faster science does not automatically mean faster defense. Turning discoveries into deployed vaccines and treatments requires institutions that can act quickly. We should not assume those institutions will keep pace with the technology.

That makes the recommendations in my 2025 paper, Pandemic Preparation Without Romance, more urgent (surprise!): wastewater surveillance; prediction markets; pre-developed vaccine libraries; human challenge trials planned in advance; a Pandemic Trust Fund; and temporary Operation Warp Speed–style public–private partnerships.

My paper argues that pandemic policy should not depend on unusually farsighted or wise politicians. Public tripwires and banked resources are what you build when you don’t trust the authorities to move quickly in a crisis hence the value of ideas like wastewater surveillance, vaccine libraries, and ready challenge-trial protocols. None of these technologies is highly expensive nor do they require much in the way of continued investment and attention, hence pandemic preparation without romance.

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Animal eye

Painting of a spectacled owl with bright yellow eyes against a dark background, highlighting its feathers and beak.

Probing the biology, beauty and mystery of animal eyes, this short poetic documentary explores an alien world

- by Aeon Video

Watch on Aeon

Would Jesus like Waymo?

Are robots (and robot cars) repugnant?  To Baptists?  

The Washington Post has the story:

Would Jesus like Waymo? Baptists have thoughts.
As religious groups contend with artificial intelligence, some Baptist pastors are lobbying against a bill that would allow driverless cars to operate commercially in D.C. They say autonomous vehicles are antihuman
. By Liam Scott
 

"Would Jesus like Waymo? The Rev. A. Michael Charles Durant doesn’t think so.

“Jesus either walked or rode a beast,” Durant said in an interview at the Tenth Street Baptist Church in Washington, where he serves as pastor. “He would be opposed to technology that was opposed to people, and I believe that this is opposed to people.”

...

"In recent months, Durant has joined local Baptist pastors and other top leaders in the National Baptist Convention — which bills itself as the largest Black religious organization in the United States — in opposing autonomous vehicles, including in the District, where the D.C. Council is weighing a bill that would legalize their commercial operation.

...

“God created us to be interdependent,” Durant said from his green-carpeted office. “The greatest danger is not that humans will be not needed, but that we create an environment where humans don’t need each other.”

"Their opposition to autonomous vehicles comes as religious communities grapple with artificial intelligence and what the technology means for the human condition and all its messy beauty.

“Automation can dehumanize humanity. The Book of Genesis declares that God created man, and then he breathed into man’s nostrils, and man became a living soul,” said C.H. Johnson, the pastor at Christ Missionary Baptist Church in Maryland. “If we’re not careful, technology can rob us of our humanity, can rob God’s creation of our humanity.” 

...

"In his first encyclical, published in May, Pope Leo XIV elevates the ethics of AI to a religious imperative. In “Magnifica Humanitas,” Leo argues that the unconstrained proliferation of AI may threaten humanity and foster inequity.

...

"Not all religious leaders oppose robotaxis. At an April event hosted by the Innovation Majority Institute think tank, the Rev. Thomas Bowen, from Shiloh Baptist Church in D.C., recalled when taxis drove right by him as a Black man in the District and New York years ago. He said he was excited when Uber and Lyft came on the scene but that he has faced similar issues with those services.

“Why should I have to put on a suit to get a taxi?” said Bowen, who is the general secretary of the Washington-based Progressive National Baptist Convention.

...

"For the National Baptist Convention’s annual gathering this week in Florida, Durant, chairman of the group’s board, prepared a video to screen in which he called on his fellow pastors to oppose autonomous vehicles in their communities around the U.S." 

My excellent Conversation with Annie Lowrey

Here is the audio, video, and transcript.  Here is the episode summary:

Annie Lowrey’s new book, The Time Tax, argues that the most regressive levy in American life is the hours each of us must spend on hold, in waiting rooms, and filling out forms a competent state would have pre-filled — roughly fifty a year on average, and far more if you’re poor. Tyler spends much of this conversation pressing the opposite case, asking whether that bureaucracy is quietly serving a useful purpose by rationing knee surgeries that don’t work, deterring fraud, or screening for immigrants with gumption.

So Tyler and Annie hash it out over an hour, covering why TANF and other welfare programs are the worst offenders, the political economy of submerged benefits like the child tax credit, whether the postal service should be zeroed out over ten years the way Denmark did, whether the government should be nudging people out of rural areas, lessons from the COVID unemployment fraud, areas where the time tax is flat instead of regressive, which private sector time taxes are most onerous, whether AI agents will pay these taxes for us within five years, the logic of easy benefits plus randomized harsh audits, the case for less federalism, whether voting should be easier or harder, how the UBI studies changed her priors, where you can find the best moss in the world, her favorite example of Brutalist architecture, tattoos as permanent ephemera, Christianity’s role in liberalism and the post-Christian right, how reporting beats tourism, the time tax of friendship, what she’ll learn next, and more.

Excerpt:

LOWREY: The postal service and Social Security’s retirement programs. Those are both pretty good. Social Security also has other programs, SSI, which is mostly used by very, very low-income seniors with disabilities or who are blind. Disability insurance is run by the Social Security Administration. The retirement program, it’s less than 1 percent overhead. It’s great. It does all the work for you.

COWEN: Isn’t our whole postal service a time tax in the aggregate? Denmark, just this year, abolished its postal service. They don’t have any. Now, I understand we’re not in a position to do exactly the same, but shouldn’t we be moving away from postal service, basically zeroing it out over the next 10 years?

LOWREY: Did they make it so that it’s all digital? Did they digitize things?

COWEN: Well, I don’t know who the “they” is. Direct mail there has gone away.

LOWREY: Oh, yes, that’s interesting. I don’t know. I think in a high inequality country such as ours, where you still have a lot of people who don’t have smartphones and don’t have computers, that’s why I would be very concerned about the postal service going away.

COWEN: That’s why we need 10 years. You want to tax people, tax in the broad sense of the term, living in rural areas, if only because it’s much harder to have government help them, right?

LOWREY: Yes.

COWEN: If rural areas don’t get mail anymore, maybe that’s a good thing.

LOWREY: I don’t think that that’s a good thing for the people in the rural areas, though. There’s always going to be people in rural areas. As a general point, do you want the government to be encouraging people to not live in rural areas?

COWEN: Absolutely, that’s me. Welcome to the show.

LOWREY: That’s feels very nanny state-ish of you, Tyler.

COWEN: I don’t want to subsidize rural areas, and we do it in so many ways, including with our farm programs.

LOWREY: We do. We really, really absolutely do.

COWEN: It gets harder to help people with government. There’s a lot more market power in rural areas, like how many supermarkets are there, how many hospitals, probably just one, if that. Let’s get everyone into the suburbs, or heaven forbid, the cities.

LOWREY: I can’t imagine a less popular policy than that.

COWEN: Absolutely.

Interesting throughout, and full of good spirit.  Again, here is Annie’s very good book The Time Tax: How Government Wastes Our Time — And How to Fix It.

The post My excellent Conversation with Annie Lowrey appeared first on Marginal REVOLUTION.

       

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September 16, 2026

Yesterday U.S. District Judge Christopher Cooper of the District of Columbia refused to permit the Kennedy Center board, stacked by Trump with his own loyalists, to return Trump’s name to the facade of the building. Cooper reiterated that Congress had prohibited such an addition and would have to change that law in order to make the addition of Trump’s name legal.

The board of the Kennedy Center promptly appealed and voted to close the venue for two years for renovations. Then Trump posted on social media that those renovations couldn’t take place unless the court approved the addition of his name to the building. Without that, he posted, “unfortunately, the Building is destined to doom. Isn’t that too bad?”

Although the Kennedy Center board insisted that only Trump’s name on the building would restore donations, in fact, the Washington Post reports that ticket sales and fundraising plunged when Trump added his name to the building in the first place.

Nonetheless, Trump posted that he is the only one who can save it, “because I have the ability to raise the money, and the ability to construct—that few others have. I also have the strength and power of the Presidency, which will be needed [to] do what must be done, and give it a strong shot at Greatness again!”

As George Conway of the Bulwark noted, “To destroy things he can’t possess or control is his essential nature.”

It is also as if Trump is self-soothing by celebrating his core identity even as his incompetence and greed have driven the United States, and the world, into crisis.

But even that is not providing him comfort these days. Representative Joyce Beatty (D-OH), an ex-officio member of the Kennedy Center board and the member who sued over his takeover of the center, explained to Symone Sanders-Townsend of MS NOW that Trump called into the board meeting after the court decision and “went into a tantrum.”

While most people appear to have refused to confront Trump to his face—Maine governor Janet Mills’s “We’ll see you in court” was so rare it made headlines—Beatty took him on. She recounted: “It was the most unprofessional thing that I’ve ever witnessed or been a part of it.” But after he called her “an obstructionist” and “dumb” and said he thought she was “incompetent,” she retorted: “I know you’re incompetent.” Beatty appealed to the chair to stop Trump’s unprofessional behavior, but when he continued to berate her, claiming it would be her fault if someone were killed at the center, she responded: “You’re already killing people, we’re at war.” And when he talked about what a great developer he was, she “reminded him that he had more bankruptcies than anybody in the room.”

“I mean, it really went there,” Beatty told Sanders-Townsend. “I was not going to let him bully me, intimidate me. And the facts stand for themselves.”

Indeed, these days, facts across the board are challenging Trump’s image of himself.

Panic is sounding across the U.S. about oil prices. The Houthis in Yemen, backed by Iran, are threatening the Bab el-Mandeb strait at the outlet of the Red Sea on its way to the Arabian Sea and the Indian Ocean, threatening another 4% of the world’s oil supply to global markets. Saudi Arabia had diverted oil shipments from the Persian Gulf to the Red Sea through the East-West pipeline across the country, but officials have closed the pipeline after strikes. Today, senior executives from Shell and Equinor warned that the world is looking at tightening supplies of oil and “price volatility” as the industry is losing the ability to offset the disruptions.

On X, Patrick De Haan, a petroleum analyst at GasBuddy, charted the rise of diesel prices in the U.S. this week. Diesel jumped $0.82 a gallon in Fort Stewart, Georgia; $0.82 in Moorhead, Minnesota; $0.75 in Athens, Georgia. In the twelve hours before 1:30 this afternoon, Eastern time, gasoline jumped $0.30 a gallon in Lawrence County, Ohio, and Edwardsburg, Michigan. It jumped $0.28 a gallon in Des Moines, Iowa. De Haan reported that gas prices in and around Chicago appeared to be rising to $4.99 a gallon today.

As De Haan noted, it was “no shock, with diesel setting new all-time records and showing no signs of slowing,” that the Federal Reserve raised interest rates today for the first time since July 2023. Trump has been adamant that he wants to see interest rates lowered and has threatened to cut off trade with certain countries unless the Fed lowered them. But rising inflation meant that the board instead voted unanimously to raise rates by a quarter of a percentage point to a target range of 3.75% to 4%.

Trump did not take the news well. “Interest Rates in the United States should be 1%, or less, because we are the Best Credit in the World—BY FAR,” he posted. “LOWER THE INTEREST RATES FOR THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, AND FAST!”

At a political rally in North Carolina, Trump suggested that the Fed is attacking him personally. “They’re raising the rates to make Trump do as bad as they can possibly do,” he said, referring to himself in the third person. “The problem they have is that we have the greatest economy in history.” “So they’re raising that only for political reasons and that’s a raise against Trump.”

In Ireland, where he traveled for the Irish Open golf tournament at his course in Doonbeg, Trump told reporters on Sunday that the U.S. might stay in Iran and “keep the oil” as the U.S. did in Venezuela. He claimed Venezuelan oil has “paid for the war many times.”

But—even aside from the fact invading a country and taking its resources violates the U.N. charter—there is no record of that money or where it is going. In January 2026, a U.S. official told Jarrett Renshaw of Reuters that the U.S. had completed its first sale of Venezuelan oil, valued at $500 million. That money was to be held in a U.S. account in Qatar, not the U.S. Treasury.

Yesterday, testifying before the House Financial Services Committee, Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent refused to answer questions Representative Sean Casten (D-IL) asked about the Venezuelan oil money.

Bessent refused to say how much money from Venezuelan assets—including gold, as well as oil—had flowed through Treasury accounts or accounts managed by Treasury since January, and said he had no knowledge of whether the money was flowing to “the U.S. government, U.S. persons, or U.S. corporations.” He deflected by saying simply: “Again…this is the, uh, one of the largest assets that maybe ever to go on the U.S. balance sheet.”

Yesterday was a big day for revelations about the war on Iran. Jonah Kaplan of CBS News published photographs showing the damage caused to buildings, vehicles, and equipment at U.S. bases in the Middle East by Iranian strikes. Active service members leaked the photos to CBS News because, as one said, “This is major damage to our bases that hasn’t been communicated to the American public. We’re standing there with our eyes closed getting punched in the face.” “We’re not defending these bases,” the service member said. “We’re just watching them get destroyed.”

John Ismay of the New York Times reported on a new report from the Pentagon’s inspector general on Monday explaining that the first four months of the Iran war caused “strategic inventory shortfalls”; that Iranian strikes have destroyed “hundreds of buildings and structures” at U.S. bases in Bahrain, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates; that dozens of military aircraft have been damaged or destroyed; and that the Defense Department has limited facilities for medical treatment in the region and has had to relocate helicopters for medical evacuations from Iraq and Kuwait.

A new report from the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office said that the Iran war, which has taken 18 U.S. lives and wounded more than 800 servicemembers, has also cost the U.S. about $38 billion as of August 1 and could cost as much as $2 billion a month while it goes on, and that it will continue to drive inflation.

For the third time, the House passed a war powers resolution directing Trump to remove U.S. military personnel from hostilities against Iran unless Congress explicitly authorizes him to keep them there. Seven Republicans joined the Democrats to pass the measure by a vote of 220 to 204.

Yesterday Representative Thomas Massie (R-KY) blindsided House speaker Mike Johnson (R-LA) by introducing eight counts of impeachment against Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth.

The first three articles accuse him of “waging war in contravention of the War Powers Resolution of 1973.” The fourth accuses him of “ignoring laws that minimize civilian casualties.” The fifth accuses him of directing “the extrajudicial killings of at least 221 persons aboard seagoing vessels” in the Caribbean and eastern Pacific. The sixth accuses him of “suppressing free speech” through his attempts to silence Senator Mark Kelly (D-AZ), a Navy veteran. The seventh article accuses him of the “kidnapping of a sovereign foreign leader,” Venezuela’s president Nicolás Maduro. The final article charges Hegseth with waging an “unlawful war in Yemen,” in 2025.

Massie told CNN that he had kept his plan secret to prevent House leadership from keeping him from the floor to read the articles. To protect Republican lawmakers from having to take a stand either for or against the Iran war, Speaker Johnson canceled votes set for Thursday and sent the House home until November 9, 2026, after the midterm elections.

Johnson blasted Massie, saying: “Secretary Hegseth has done an extraordinary job, the Department of War. We’re in the middle of international conflicts right now, and we should not be playing games with national security.” As for sending lawmakers home early, he said: “It’s time for our members to go home to their districts and make their case to the American people, to go and explain all the great things we’ve done.”

Trump apparently does not think voters will swing behind the Republicans based on their record. News broke on Monday that the Supreme Court would not allow him to implement new rules that would allow the United States Postal Service to screen mail-in ballots, something Trump insisted was imperative to purify voting.

On Tuesday, he dropped the facade that the rule was about anything other than rigging the election and expressed anger that his three hand-picked appointees to the Supreme Court did not do his bidding.

“Republicans just got another bad decision from the United States Supreme Court,” he posted. “This Supreme Court is bullied and cajoled by the Radical Left into making decisions that have set America back at least a hundred years. These are not the people I interviewed to serve on the United States Supreme Court, they are merely a shell of their original selves.”

Notes:

https://www.washingtonpost.com/style/2026/09/15/judge-bars-kennedy-center-adding-trumps-name-building/

https://www.nytimes.com/2026/09/15/arts/music/kennedy-center-trump-name-inscription-judge-ruling.html

https://www.nytimes.com/2026/09/16/business/saudi-pipeline-houthi-attacks.html?unlocked_article_code=1.BlE.Q05H.xK7AUjaGaqub&smid=url-share

https://www.nytimes.com/2026/09/04/business/economy/trump-trade-threats-fed-rate-cuts.html

https://www.reuters.com/business/energy-market-shock-absorbers-weakening-shell-equinor-warn-2026-09-16

https://www.cnbc.com/2026/09/16/fed-rate-decision-september-2026.html

https://www.rawstory.com/trump-interest-rates-2677870207/

https://www.reuters.com/business/energy/us-completes-first-venezuelan-oil-sales-valued-500-million-us-official-says-2026-01-14/

https://www.reuters.com/business/energy/trump-says-us-could-stay-iran-keep-oil-like-venezuela-deal-2026-09-13/

https://www.cbsnews.com/news/new-photos-damage-u-s-kuwait-saudi-arabia-iran-drone-missile-attacks/?linkId=1009213463

https://www.nytimes.com/2026/09/15/us/politics/pentagon-inspector-general-iran-war.html

https://media.defense.gov/2026/Sep/09/2003993626/-1/-1/1/OEF_Q3_JUN2026_FINAL_508%20SECURE.PDF

https://thehill.com/homenews/house/6091940-house-iran-war-powers-resolution/

https://massie.house.gov/uploadedfiles/articles_of_impeachment_sec._hegseth.pdf

https://thehill.com/homenews/house/6092238-thomas-massie-pete-

hegseth-impeachment-resolution-gop-leadership/

https://www.congress.gov/bill/119th-congress/house-concurrent-resolution/93

https://thehill.com/policy/defense/6091340-cbo-iran-war-inflation-costs/

https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/congress/house-leave-early-punting-hegseth-impeachment-vote-november-elections-rcna598147

Trump’s Truth:

statuses/41742

statuses/41744

statuses/41740

statuses/41750

Facebook:

share/v/1BTu7Fx6P9/

X:

mmpadellan/status/2100014402963484888

GasBuddyGuy/status/2100238038009827632

GasBuddyGuy/status/2100275867129671976

GasBuddyGuy/status/2100285686305763413

GasBuddyGuy/status/2100284300914458785

Bluesky:

gtconway.bsky.social/post/3mvnawt64w22f

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Letters from an American

250 to 250

As the nation gears up for the 2026 midterm elections, we are drawing a line beneath the first phase of the 250 to 250 project.

The project grew out of frustration that our history seemed to be mired in a political morass during what should have been a celebration of the nation’s first 250 years. But it grew beyond our wildest dreams, becoming, I think, a body of work that stands on its own.

Going forward, 250 to 250 will continue both as new videos—at a slower pace, now that the anniversary summer is over—and a new companion project for teachers, but we wanted to create an end bracket that would convey our thanks to everyone who has been so generous with their time, expertise, and support.

So, here it is, along with my profound thanks to the team that grew to create such an outstanding series, and the viewers who have made it all worthwhile.

Heather

Watch Them All | #WeAreAmerica250
Substack | YouTube | Facebook | Instagram | TikTok | Bluesky | Threads

Notes:

Unless otherwise noted, all images used in this video are in the public domain.

Photo of Jim Obergefell and John Arthur courtesy of Jim Obergefell

Personal photos provided courtesy of Cleve Jones.

Image of Hubble orbit credit: NASA/ESA

Image of polio-stricken girl courtesy of Dr. Peter Salk

Henry M. Flagler at Knights Key Dock, circa 1908 – 1912, courtesy of the Key West Art & Historical Society

Capitol Crawl image used by permission. © Tom Olin Collection, Ward M. Canaday Center for Special Collections, The University of Toledo Libraries

Timelapse photo of Greenwood District, Tulsa, Oklahoma by Patrick McNicholas, tulsapast.com

Photograph of Barbara Shermund c. 1940 courtesy of Amanda Janes Gormley

Dwayne McDuffie, Denys Cowan, and Andrew Burrell. 1994. © Ken Shung / mptvimages.com via Reuters Connect.

Trail of Tears for the Creek People. Photo of original artwork by TradingCardsNPS. This file is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 2.0 Generic license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/deed.en

Dr. An Wang of Wang Laboratories, AP Photo

Bernie Sanders at an “Overturn Citizens United” protest. Photo by “Senate Democrats.” This file is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 2.0 Generic license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/deed.en

Bill Moyers speaking with attendees at a special screening and discussion of his documentary, “Rikers: An American Jail” at the First Amendment Forum at the Walter Cronkite School of Journalism and Mass Communication at Arizona State University in Phoenix, Arizona. 19 April 2017. Photo by Gage Skidmore

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Bill_Moyers_(34152369505).jpg

Excerpt of Martin Luther King’s April 3, 1957 “Justice Without Violence” lecture at Brandeis University © The King Estate.

Dolores Huerta speaking at a campaign rally with former President Bill Clinton at Central High School in Phoenix, Arizona. 20 March 2016. Photo by Gage Skidmore This file is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 2.0 Generic license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/2.0/deed.en

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Linda Shepard is on the bus

Several years ago, when Capo Unified’s school board wound up being overtaken by a bunch of right-ring religious zealots, the nutty bat signal of choice was a cartoonish yellow school bus with three white stars.

Like, oh, this …

Lisa Davis used it to campaign.

Jennifer Adnams used it to campaign.

Lisa Zollinger used it to campaign.

And while, visually, it seems warm and upbeat and optimistic, to me the yellow bus signifies something else: Deceptive bullshit. One and all, the candidates who’ve used it are MAGA-inspired, Moms For Liberty-influenced Fluffernutter cookies who believe God and Jesus and Moses and Malik Sealy led them to a place where they can bring godliness to public education and, together, eradicate the threat of LGBTQ+ infiltration.

Now, we have the latest entrant.

Thanks to, I’m guessing, the urging of Lisa Davis, school board president, cult leader and (in the future) one of Jackson Hole’s Top 20 Domino’s delivery drivers, Linda Shepard has broken out the ol’ yellow bus, hoping to fill the Area 7 vacated slot of Judy Bullockus and vanquish her opponent, the eminently qualified Ron Ruef.

If you wanna understand the priorities of Shepard, there are a few things one can do.

First, head over to her website and check out her listed endorsements, which reads like a Who’s Who of folks you never, ever, ever, ever want to run into inside the Shops at Mission Viejo …

Second, look at her positions—beginning with this dandy …

Everything you see in the blue is code. “Strong foundations” is oftentimes, “Let’s get away from all the woke bullshit.” And “Teach the truth that our Founders studied thousands of years of governance …” well, WHAT THE ACTUAL FUCK ARE YOU TALKING ABOUT? America was officially founded on July 4, 1776. Thousands is plural. So, like, do you think Franklin and Adams were digging into the 76 BC Sertorian War in Hispania? Do you think they were considering the Exile of Julia and Phraates V? Have you actually read anything about America’s foundation, Ms. Aspiring School Board Member?

Also, not for nothing, if you’re teaching cursive writing in 2026, you might as well break out the abacus. It’s useless. Nobody going forward will be writing in script. Except, sigh, my mother.

And, since we’re chatting here …

… this is both moronic and untrue. “There is one truth” is something religious zealots who insist X figure (and only X figure) is the answer might say. In writing, in science, in history—there are actually oftentimes myriad truths and answers. Teachers will tell you this. Professors will tell you this. Yes, 2+2 always results in 4. But, oh, what was the initial motivation for World War II? Who is most responsible for the Challenger explosion? What is the best way to break down an atom? These are not simple problems with simple answers. Unless, I suppose, you’re a simple person.

Oh, and there’s this …

It’s old and exhausting and Moms For Liberty chum. It also usually ends up translating to, “We can’t trust teachers, so parents need to be involved in everything.” This is how scholastic zealots win over the uninformed—by insisting parental rights are being violated.

•••

Here’s the thing: It’s certainly possible Shepard is a nice person with a good family and solid taste in carpet. But, right now, the Capo Unified School Board is on the brink of true disaster. Three of the seven members are MAGA heads. Add one more, like a Shepard, and suddenly you’re looking at some profoundly dangerous people make profoundly important decisions.

So—seriously. Vote for Ron Ruef.

To hell with the bus.

The correct model of AI CEO behavior

I agree with Alex that the standard model of regulatory capture does not apply here, but I think he neglects the best model we have.  From my recent Free Press piece:

Recently I have been reading my review copy of Kevin Roose’s excellent forthcoming book The AGI Chronicles: The Inside Story of the Race to Create an Artificial Superintelligence. A major theme of the book—I would say the major theme—is how strong and competitive the rivalries have been between Dario, Altman, and Musk. Each believes that the others cannot be trusted to gain super-powerful AI capabilities.

Thus, when you observe these individuals and their companies jockeying for position and preeminence, it is too cynical to think it is just about the money (each of them already has plenty). The actions of each are rooted in the sincere belief that their own company would best serve the world by winning the race toward very powerful AI.

So when these CEOs plead altruism, you should actually believe them, even though obvious selfish motives also happen to align with their plans. One can reasonably argue about who ought to win the race, but I favor the outcome where all of them, including Meta and Google, roughly tie for first place, and the market remains highly competitive.

So they are selfish in a sense, but along the metric of power, where they perceive (correctly or not) “selfish and altruistic” to be quite closely correlated.  Note I am using the word “power” in a general capabilities sense, you do not have to believe they intend evil coercive exercise in this context.  Furthermore, it is not mainly about “capturing the regulator,” but rather winning in the market and then having an immense ability to achieve ends before the others do.  So yes they are sincerely worried about a host of safety issues, but they are all the more sincerely worried about not being the ones to win the race. To the extent we wish to cite those CEOs as authorities, “who gets it is the most important thing of all” would be the takeaway lesson.

Do note that for all the talk of pause, the race to invest in compute is continuing apace and even intensifying.  That is the real variable to watch.  If a theory does not explain observed behavior toward compute, which of course costs real dollars, the theory is failing to explain what is going on.

Standard competition!  I do not flip out about this.  But obviously there are some world views where you might view these (and other) actors as evil, and furthermore think they can act without much constraint, and so on.  Those are not my world views.  I see a lot of competition and a lot of ego, and then I think of Adam Smith.  Standard stuff, just at much higher stakes than usual.

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METR, EA, and others being attacked

Always focus on what you can learn from people and groups.  Criticize in ways where you can learn something from the answer (or non-answer) and from the dialogue.  If you attack how people look, their sex lives, their donors, whatever, it will make the critic stupider.  It may not even hurt the target of the attack, as it provides valuable publicity and also makes them look powerful.  Furthermore, there is nothing per se wrong with being “weird.”  What does that really mean anyway?  I’ve spent much of my life looking for “the weird,” though I would not frame it in those terms.

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Wednesday 16 September 1663

Up betimes, and with my wife to Hinchingbroke to see my Lady, she being to go to my Lord this morning, and there I left her, and so back to the Court, and heard Sir R. Bernard’s charges to the Courts Baron and Leete, which took up till noon, and were worth hearing, and after putting my business into some way, went home to my father’s to dinner, and after dinner to the Court, where Sir Robert and his son came again by and by, and then to our business, and my father and I having given bond to him for the 21l. Piggott owed him, my uncle Thomas did quietly admit himself and surrender to us the lands first mortgaged for our whole debt, and Sir Robert added to it what makes it up 209l., to be paid in six months. But when I came to give him an account of more lands to be surrendered to us, wherein Piggott’s wife was concerned, and she there to give her consent, Sir Robert would not hear of it, but began to talk very high that we were very cruel, and we had caution enough for our money, and he could not in conscience let the woman do it, and reproached my uncle, both he and his son, with taking use upon use for this money. To all which I did give him such answers and spoke so well, and kept him so to it, that all the Court was silent to hear us, and by report since do confess they did never hear the like in the place. But he by a wile had got our bond, and I was content to have as much as I could though I could not get all, and so took Piggott’s surrender of them without his wife, and by Sir Robert’s own consent did tell the Court that if the money were not paid in the time, and the security prove not sufficient, I would conclude myself wronged by Sir Robert, which he granted I should do.

This kept us till night, but am heartily glad it ended so well on my uncle’s part, he doing that and Prior’s little house very willingly. So the Court broke up, and my father and Mr. Shepley and I to Gorrum’s to drink, and then I left them, and to the Bull, where my uncle was to hear what he and the people said of our business, and here nothing but what liked me very well. So by and by home and to supper, and with my mind in pretty good quiett, to bed.

Read the annotations

Summer

You should probably get back to shore before spring hits.

Links 9/16/26

Links for you. Science:

New NIH research center on vaccine harms takes shape
The Cost of Cutting American Science: How Federal Cuts Diminish Public Health Capacity
Diabetes association turmoil roils journal as group tries to thwart boycott
As diseases loom, CDC’s response to measles deaths stirs fears about agency’s reliability
Nationwide safety program associated with 65% reduction in hospital-onset MRSA bloodstream infections
Bezisterim may help with some Long COVID symptoms, drug’s developer reports in early trial results
Why are Americans so tired? CDC report highlights who’s feeling it most. Fatigue is one of the most common concerns reported in primary care visits, yet not much attention is given to how often adults in the U.S. are coping with it.

Other:

The Cult of Trump Is Waning
‘Burnham will be the last PM of the UK’: Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland’s leaders sign independence pact. SNP, Plaid Cymru and Sinn Féin leaders sign pact to pressure Downing Street into holding independence referendums
Could rogue agent swarms take over the entire internet in the next six months? What does and doesn’t make sense about Dario Amodei’s latest extravagant claim
He Marched With Nazis in Charlottesville. Now He’s Expected to Join the Florida Legislature.
Ectopic pregnancy deaths have nearly doubled. It’s worse in states with abortion bans.
The politics and possibilities of ‘AI could kill us all’. AI will not exterminate the human race. But what big tech really *is* doing is bad enough, and the notion may help fuel the movement against it.
Divorce becomes next battleground as states debate family values
The Quick Case Against Using AI. If AI companies say their products will kill us, we shouldn’t give them money—even if we don’t believe them.
OpenAI Says It’s Not Responsible for the Leading the Future Super PAC. But Only Its Employees Seem to Believe That.
‘Alligator Alcatraz’ Used Small Cages as ‘Calming Areas,’ Report Says. The Department of Homeland Security’s internal watchdog provided new details about conditions at the now-shuttered Florida detention center.
Waymo Sponsors Neighborhood Events Around D.C. As It Fights For Council Approval. The robotaxi rideshare company says it has spent “tens of thousands of dollars” to partner with local nonprofits amid its local lobbying push.
Professional soccer player describes weeks in ICE custody after arrest
Stripsearch Sammy
The Connecticut Avenue deckover should tell Dupont’s artistic story
The Supreme Cult
U.S. Health Officials Move Quickly to Deploy Medical A.I. Despite Concerns
DC asks for public’s help in getting rid of rats
Trump prepares to cash out his crypto grift
NPS to remove Dupont’s Stumpy after storm cracked tree
The Final Battle for America’s Democracy. Forget November 3. It’s January 3 when Donald Trump and his MAGA Republicans might bury our democracy once and for all. Here’s how.
Is the Trump Family Preparing to Cash Out on Its Own Crypto?
Trump finds new DC landmark to trash
Dario Amodei’s Essay Was Gutsy. It Didn’t Go Far Enough.
San Francisco’s AI-run store is losing money fast. After a visit, I’m not surprised.
A New Book Seeks to Shame the Elites Who Caved to Trump
The New Majority Makers: A group of unapologetic economic populists are defying the conventional wisdom that only moderates can succeed in swing seats.
Texas Republican Candidate Does A Racism So Bad It Turns Karl Rove Into A Democrat
‘Musk’ film is almost four hours long, engrossing and terrifying. What to know. The documentary paints the tech titan as a power-hungry megalomaniacal con man with a god complex. Musk accuses the filmmaker of compiling a “hit list” against him.
ISIS supporter in Pennsylvania sought to poison synagogue food — FBI
Baal out: Top diplomat’s worry about pagan god elicits eye rolls

The Singularity, Such As It Is, Will Be Boring and Mundane

While the ketamine-addled wunderkind of the tech world are panicking about AI achieving consciousness, the actual harms it is causing, such as denying patients needed pain medication, are very real, if not sexy (boldface mine):

The rollout of a Medicare program that uses artificial intelligence to approve or deny care was hasty and error-ridden, according to more than a thousand pages of recently released documents and data.

The pilot program, called the Wasteful and Inappropriate Service Reduction model, or WISeR, launched in January and requires health care providers to seek approvals before they can provide certain procedures and products, like skin substitutes and epidural injections for pain management. The experiment operates in New Jersey, Ohio, Oklahoma, Texas, Arizona, and Washington and will run until 2031…

During the early months of the rollout, both the company, called Innovaccer, and its Medicare contracting partner reported issues that matched complaints coming from providers. The poorly implemented technology resulted in canceled and postponed surgeries and “patients calling our offices crying in pain because their procedures are being delayed while awaiting approvals or guidance,” providers said.

I have had to watch 3 patients cry at bedside for not hearing back on their prior auth for kyphoplasty/vertabral augmentiation [sic] procedure,” wrote one Ohio-based provider in a feedback survey. “These patients are in deep pain. So many offices of my physicians are not hearing back from Innovaccer and […] there is no way to get a hold of a human to talk to on Innovacer [sic]. What a disgrace to the human race in America. This is Third World.”

And the Trump administration’s belief in AI über alles is contributing to this problem:

Earlier this summer, the Senate unsuccessfully attempted to end WISeR after the Government Accountability Office found that CMS did not follow proper procedure in setting up the Medicare experiment. The federal watchdog’s finding came amid complaints that the pilot was harming people in Washington state.

Congresswoman Suzan DelBene (D-Wash.), who led a House effort to stop WISeR, told STAT in a statement that “the more that American seniors learn about WISeR, the more they are outraged that the Trump administration is allowing tech companies to profit by delaying and denying necessary care.” While the new information answers many questions, she said, it also begs new ones, and she pledged to hold the administration accountable. “It’s incredibly frustrating how reticent HHS has been in sharing information about this hastily put together AI experiment,” she said.

And the people building this system had no idea what they were doing:

More than two months after WISeR’s launch, a Medicare administration contractor, Noridian, realized that one of the vendors did not know the difference between Medicare Part A and Part B. It traced back ongoing provider complaints about claims being incorrectly categorized to Zyter, the company administering WISeR for Arizona. “Zyter acknowledged that access to its portal was limited to ‘outpatient’ requests due to a misunderstanding that outpatient hospital services equate exclusively to Part B,” Noridian wrote, adding that it provided Zyter guidance as to the distinction between the two.

In the same March report, Noridian reported that Zyter’s portal was not configured to handle requests from ambulatory surgical centers, and that it had warned Zyter that simply dismissing requests coded for ASCs “could result in provider abrasion and potential compliance concerns.”

Despite ambitions of using AI to make the review process quick and easy, providers complained about how non-functional vendors’ portals were and ended up reverting to paper.

“It appears that all documentation has to be faxed, the portal cannot be used to submit the documentation. I have been told that there is a way to submit via the portal, but the customer service representatives have not been able to provide instructions on how to proceed,” wrote a provider from Kettering Health Network in Ohio…

All of the technical hiccups have created greater costs for the Medicare program. According to an email between Medicare staffers, the Medicare contractor for Texas, New Jersey, and Oklahoma alerted CMS that it was going to need more funding than originally planned.

This is going to be a far more common problem with ‘AI’: the people building, testing, and managing the system build bad systems, but, because various leaders are committed to AI, those bad systems will be forced on people and do great harm. In other words, it will just amplify the same old problems, but an ideological commitment–and likely a financial one too–to ‘AI is the future’ will hurt people.

And before anyone excuses this, the story also notes that it is incredibly difficult to get details from CMS about what went wrong. The ideology that we must use AI, consequences be damned, combined with the time-honored need to cover one’s ass will be the far more likely and ugly outcome of rapid AI, not some Lovecraftian godhead. AI won’t be used in some ethereal plane without real-world complications, but within a political and economic context. And when combined with a belief that AI must be adopted at speed–move fast and break patients–the consequences will be bad.

Fake CAPTCHA Scams

New variant of an old scam: Use the framing of a CAPTCHA to get an unsuspecting user to download and run a malicious program.

News helicopters are very L.A. It's a dangerous job

Los Angeles and airborne reporting were always a match made, if not in heaven, then a quarter-mile or so closer to it than the rest of us earthbound beings.

The anti-American Right

Hook ‘em, Horns.

After days of thinking about the possibility that AI might kill all of humanity, it’s almost a relief to be able to write about a lighter topic — like how the xenophobic Right is threatening to tear my country apart.

Who is Bo French? No one of much consequence. He’s a mostly failed Texan politician — the heir to an oil company, born with a silver spoon in his mouth, who alienated his business partners, who lost two Republican primaries for the Texas House of Representatives before finally becoming the chair of a county-level party chapter. He finally got his first political success this year, when he won a narrow primary victory and became the GOP nominee for Texas Railroad Commissioner. He currently trails his Democratic opponent in the polls.

Bo French isn’t that important, but this week he set off a national firestorm when he tweeted the above photo of a bunch of Indian kids celebrating University of Texas football at a Longhorns game, along with some alarmist anti-Indian rhetoric:

It was hardly a surprise that French tweeted something like this. He’s tweeted plenty of stuff along the same lines in the past. Here are two famous examples:

He’s also repeatedly called for the deportation of 100 million people; since there are only 50 million foreign-born people living in the United States, this means French was either getting his numbers wrong, or (more likely) calling for deporting tens of millions of American citizens. Reading his tweets, it’s not hard to imagine which citizens he’d choose for deportation.

It wouldn’t be fair to say that French’s race-war ideology has taken over the GOP. Plenty of Texas Republicans, including outgoing Senator John Cornyn, Senator Ted Cruz, Representative Jared Patterson, Representative Lacey Hull, and others publicly denounced his tweet. Karl Rove declared that he’d vote for the Democrat over French. Governor Greg Abbott, who has endorsed French despite his history of similar tweets, was milder in his criticism, but still affirmed the fundamental Texan-ness of the football fans in the picture:

“That is not my message,” Abbott said. “A selective picture of Longhorn fans celebrating our biggest home victory-ever-actually shows a way that Texans unite. We all support our college football teams.”

“The way we win the state is the same way we win football games,” Abbott added. “We unite under the brand of Texas.”

But despite these official condemnations, it’s easy to tell which way the wind is blowing among the GOP base. All of the Republican tweets denouncing French were heavily attacked on X. Rightist journalists, activists, and even a few GOP politicians poured out of the woodwork to support French and affirm his message. Here are a few examples:

French himself, who had been pressured to delete his poll about Jews and Muslims last year, now felt encouraged enough to double down on his anti-Indian tweet.

I can’t tell you whether the New Right — represented by French and his supporters in the right-wing media — will prevail over the Republican establishment. But watching the movement go after a bunch of Texas college football fans tells us something important about the New Right as a movement.

What it tells us is that if you’re a nonwhite immigrant, or the child of nonwhite immigrants, it doesn’t matter what you do — the New Right will still view you as an enemy and as an invader.

It doesn’t matter whether you or your parents came to this country legally. How many times have we heard rightists shout “Illegal vs. legal!!” in response to anyone who defends immigration? Many regular Americans care about “illegal vs. legal”, but the New Right does not. Everyone in that UT photo either came to America legally, or was born to parents who came here legally. It didn’t matter to Bo French, or the people who defended him.

It doesn’t matter whether you’re high-skilled or low-skilled. How many times have we heard rightists complain that immigrants come to America because they want welfare benefits? And yet everyone in the UT photo is going to spend their lifetime paying taxes to support native-born Americans on Medicare and Medicaid and Social Security Disability. Indian Americans in general are the highest-earning group in the country, and those who go to a good college like the University of Texas are going to beat that average.

That matters to many regular voters, but it doesn’t matter at all to the New Right. Yes, they’ll shout about poor (nonwhite) immigrants on welfare. But when they encounter nonwhite immigrant groups who make lots of money, they suddenly pivot to accusing those groups of stealing their jobs and their spots in colleges. There’s just no way to win.

It also doesn’t matter whether you assimilate or not. Yes, if you speak a foreign language or build a Hindu temple or wear traditional Indian clothing, the New Right will scream their heads off about it. “Alien invaders!!”, they’ll cry. But if you put on a University of Texas sweater and go to football games, they’ll still scream “Alien invaders!!” when they see you in a photo. It’s who you are that bothers them, not what you do.

Nor does it matter whether your entire ethnic group is well-behaved. Indian Americans are incarcerated at only 25% of the rate of non-Hispanic White Americans. And basically none of the people in the photo that frightened Bo French will ever go to jail. That probably matters to some voters, but not to the New Right.

In fact, it doesn’t even matter if you vote Republican. As a matter of fact, Donald Trump won a pretty solid victory among Asian people in Texas (which includes Indians):

Source: CNN via Wikipedia

It’s not clear whether Bo French and his fellow New Rightists are even aware of this fact, but what is clear is that it didn’t matter to them at all.1

This is why there is no pro-immigration argument that will ever sway members of the New Right. You can give them research showing that high-skilled immigrants raise employment and wages for native-born Americans, and they’ll either disbelieve it or (usually) ignore it. You can talk about Nobel-winning scientists and Operation Paperclip all you want, and it won’t make a dent. You can cite statistics about immigrant entrepreneurship and job creation, you can talk about how Satya Nadella saved Microsoft and Sanjay Mehrotra is the reason why America still has a presence in the memory industry. They will counter with some fabricated anecdote about how their friend got fired from their company because Indians came in and only hired other Indians.2

So why am I even talking about this? If the New Right can never be persuaded to stop thinking of brown faces as invaders, then why discuss this topic at all?

Well, two reasons, actually. First, it helps us more clearly understand the New Right as a movement — how they think and what they want. Most importantly, they see the world in terms of collective zero-sum competition between groups.

To the New Right, if Indians get into the University of Texas, it means that White people must have been “replaced” at that university — or at American universities in general. Bo French himself tweeted that the presence of Indian students at American universities is evidence that “they hate white Americans and prioritize everyone else”. They do not even consider the possibility that the Indian kids got in because of individual merit. If an Indian American succeeds, that represents not the success of that singular individual, but a win for Team Indian in general.

And the New Right worldview sees any win for Team Indian — or Team Asian, or Team Hispanic, etc. — as a loss for Team White. Nowhere do they consider the possibility that the system might not be zero-sum. The fact that the number of freshmen admitted to UT grew from 15,000 in 2011 to 19,000 in 2021 means nothing to them. The historical fact that Italian and Jewish and Polish and Japanese Americans attained economic success sixty years ago without consigning WASP Americans to poverty is lost on them — as is every other example in which immigrant groups and existing groups succeeded in America side by side.

Crucially, this zero-sum assumption is why the New Right constantly shrinks their tent instead of expanding it. In principle, even if you see the world as a collective interaction between groups rather than individuals, that interaction doesn’t have to be zero-sum — you can have alliances between groups, for mutual benefit. The Christian conservatives of the 1970s and 1980s accepted Catholics, “white ethnics”, and some Jews into their coalition as “co-belligerents”, and won many battles as a result.

The New Right had a golden opportunity to do something similar after Trump’s victory in 2024. Hispanic and Asian voters (and even some Black voters) shifted strongly toward the Republicans, and toward Trump specifically. But instead of embracing that influx of new voters and building a big conservative tent to defeat wokeness and progressivism and the Democrats, they went all-in on race war.

Stephen Miller relied so heavily on racial profiling for his mass deportation efforts that many Hispanics felt that Trump had betrayed them. Muslim voters might have gone back to the GOP, but rightists made resistance to Muslim immigration a “civilizational” crusade. Jewish voters turned off by the antisemitism of the Left might have switched their allegiance to the GOP, but the New Right allowed Nazi apologetics to fester within their ranks.

Now it’s Indians’ turn to feel the sting of unprovoked rightist attacks. All those kids in Texas wanted to do was to cheer for their football team; instead, a political movement is calling for their ethnic cleansing simply because they showed up at the stadium. As a result, despite the best efforts of Republicans like Cornyn, the GOP is poised to mobilize and piss off a group of Americans who are just about as numerous as Jews — and who earn even more money.

It’s this pathological inability to understand alliances and coalition-building that will ultimately doom the New Right. Like the far Left, this is a movement built to exclude and divide and splinter — both because of the querulous personalities of rightists themselves, and because of the intransigence of a racial ideology that abhors any impurity. If they ever managed to see off the Hispanics and the Asians, the rightists would start in on the Greeks and the Italians, and so on. There’s no victory in sight — only eternal conflict. These are not nation-builders; they are nation-dismantlers.

Coming to grips with the extremism and intransigence of the New Right also helps us understand what an unpopular fringe they really are. The New Right screams and shouts and acts very aggressive on X, but this aggression is just a way of concealing their numerical weakness. Most voters are not part of the New Right, and they don’t think that immigrants are invaders or that immigration is “replacement”. Most Americans say that immigration is a good thing as of today:

Source: Gallup

Essentially none of that 73% majority is going to be part of the New Right, and some portion of the 21% minority probably isn’t either. That means the New Right is a fringe movement — a very loud, very aggressive group of people who are adept at bullying regular Americans on certain social media platforms, but who ultimately lack the numbers to overcome the mainstream in a direct contest.

Just watch some of the reactions of the UT students who were targeted by Bo French and his racist social media hordes:

Consider how regular and non-alien those young people seem, compared to the screeching bigots attacking them on X for going to a football game. I guarantee you that the majority of regular, normal, non-internet-poisoned Americans will watch those videos and just want to say “Hook ‘em Horns”.3

That means that the immigration argument is winnable. A reasonable liberal position on immigration — one that respects the law, honors the democratic will of the people, and treats immigration as a privilege rather than a human right — has a good chance of winning over the majority of the country. The New Right can only succeed if they manage to divide and conquer the pro-immigration majority, as they did in 2024; immigration supporters should focus on making common cause with the persuadable center, in order to make sure 2024 isn’t repeated.

That means not treating all immigration skeptics the same. Republicans like John Cornyn, who like to see Indian American kids cheering for Texas football but who hate to see asylum seekers rewarded for illegally crossing the border, should not be lumped in with those who simply see any brown face and think “invader”. Xenophobes exist, and they are growing more powerful within the GOP, but not every Republican voter is a xenophobe, and not every restriction on immigration is xenophobic.

If Democrats understand and accept that fact, I think they will be able to turn the tide.4 Throughout America’s history, pro-immigration forces have won a lot more battles than they’ve lost, but it was never easy. It always required compromise, reassurance, moderation, and coalition-building. This is not the time for Democrats to respond to the maximalism of xenophobes like Bo French with maximalism of their own.


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1

This also applies to the small and rather pitiful number of immigrants who go online and shout that immigration is “replacement” and “invasion”. It will not save them.

2

Not that anyone in the New Right actually cares about the research on this topic, but…It’s actually true that Indians, like basically every group in existence, do have some tendency to hire their co-ethnics, though whether this represents a bias is harder to say. What we do know is that Indians do it much less Vietnamese, Chinese, Mexican, South Korean, Filipino, Polish, or Russian people, but much more than Dominicans, Guatemalans, or Jamaicans.

3

And I say that as someone who grew up in College Station, Texas…

4

Indeed, the tide may already be turning; Trump is now underwater on the immigration issue:

Source: NYT via Sahil Kapur

But 52% to 47% is still a fairly slim margin; Dems can do better than this.

Quoting Mustafa Suleyman

We should not treat models as though they have feelings, preferences, rights, or any entitlement to our welfare. Consciousness is the foundation of our ethical, legal, and political systems. To invite another entity to share any flavor of these rights isn’t justified by the evidence and will make the AI containment and alignment challenge even harder.

Mustafa Suleyman, A warning about ‘model welfare’

Tags: ai-ethics, generative-ai, ai, microsoft, llms

Conferencing, Day 1

So I’m at the European Central Bank, listening to papers about geoeconomics. Above is a screenshot from the livestream, available here (I think).

Much of the research being presented is very technical — I expect eventually to be able to do some translations relevant to current events, but not yet. One remark that did catch my attention, however, was Steve Redding noting one implication of his model with Liu, Yang, and Smith-Worthington (not in the conference draft, but coming): US power — measured “by asking how changes in each country’s domestic interests affect its own actions and those of others” — has depended to an important degree on the strength of its alliances.

Phillips O’Brien, take note.

It’s a bit of a luxury to listen to paper about eigenvectors and trading equilibria with the world on fire, but hey, it’s kind of a break.

Disrupted Systems: Implications for Life

Anthropocentric thinking is a persistent problem when we’re talking about extraterrestrial civilizations. Some of our most cherished notions can be invoked so effortlessly as to defy the imagination. The Copernican idea that life must exist elsewhere because elsewhere is bound to be more or less like here has had a long lifetime in SETI studies. It seems like the most basic common sense. And yet, as we’ll see once again today, scientific results continue to make it apparent that the fact that we are here does not mean that they are there.

Finding stellar systems more or less like our own continues to be difficult. I’m not going full ‘rare Earth’ here but acknowledging that our circumstances may be unusual enough to tamp down estimates of the number of life-supporting planets. For that matter, our lack of knowledge about abiogenesis itself makes the case that we cannot necessarily expect it around other suns. On this matter, at least, we should be able to gather data soon, perhaps with a Mars lander.

Which gets me to today’s interesting take on binary stars. The binaries – HD 129171 and HD 129209 – are G-class, both having formed from the same molecular cloud. This is a common enough scenario, because binary systems are extremely common. In fact, about half of the stars in the Milky Way have a companion star, and thus are likely to share a common chemistry.

About 180 light years from the Sun (based on Gaia data) in Boötes, the system is proving unusually helpful. Using the UVES spectrograph on ESO’s Very Large Telescope (VLT) in Chile, an international effort led by Anne Rathsam at the University of São Paulo in Brazil is using this binary as a laboratory to study chemical differences between the stars that may be telling us something about planet formation and orbital evolution. What is driving the differences?

All this has a bearing on life, because for life to occur, conditions must exist for long enough to let the necessary processes go to work. And that may be a problem. HD 129171 turns out to be enriched in refractory elements, while its companion HD 129209 is not. Refractory elements condense at high temperatures, as opposed to volatiles, and the proportion of one to the other can be an interesting diagnostic tool, telling us something about the system’s history. A star depleted in refractories is likely one that has spawned planets, while one heavy in these elements has likely swallowed planets whole.

Rathsam’s work, available in a paper just published in Astronomy & Astrophysics, focuses on beryllium, whose abundance here is interesting because it is not produced in stellar interiors. Measured properly, its presence points to a star that consumed planetary material long after formation. Lithium, beryllium, and boron, in fact, share characteristics that make them exceptional in terms of chemical emergence in the galaxy. Jorge Luis Melendez Moreno (USP), who served as study advisor to Rathsam on this paper, explains:

“All other chemical elements originate from primordial nucleosynthesis [the formation of the first atomic nuclei in the minutes following the Big Bang] or stellar nucleosynthesis [the nuclear fusion process that occurs inside stars throughout their lifetimes]. But not beryllium and boron. They primarily arise through a process called ‘cosmic spallation,’ in which high-energy particles fragment heavier nuclei, such as carbon, nitrogen, and oxygen, producing lighter elements.”

Image: The binary system of HD 129171 and HD 129209. Credit: Digital Sky Survey/Aladin/Anne Rathsam.

Lithium has its own uses as a marker, but the USP researchers found that beryllium is the more reliable tool, with a longer lasting chemical signature. HD 129171’s surplus of refractory elements (including magnesium, silicon, calcium and titanium) compared to its companion HD 129209 is accompanied by lithium and beryllium excess as well. The authors see evidence for rocky material equivalent to more than eleven times the mass of the Earth. This would have been ingested in the star, raising interesting questions about planet dynamics.

The infall of entire planets into a host star can be explained in various ways, from gravitational perturbations from other planets on eccentric orbits or skewed inclinations, to interactions within the early circumstellar disk driving young planets onto migratory trajectories. Although I hadn’t seen this paper before, the authors cite a 2025 study by Soares and team (citation below) that draws on simulations to show that about half of the stars simulated should ingest planets, leaving a chemical signature in perhaps 20 percent of them.

Evidently we can imagine system disruptions as a common occurrence in the Milky Way. We might add to this the fact that planet configurations with giant planets in circular outer orbits and rocky planets on inner ones are not common. Our observational data so far tends to confirm this, although tracking outer Jupiter-class planets with our current detection methods is always problematic given their sparse transit signatures. Overall, though, the picture that is emerging is that systems similar to the Solar System seem rare. If many systems are going through upheavals through planet migration and ingestion into the host, stable orbits may be trickier than we’ve thought. Rathsam comments:

“In our planetary system, the planets have relatively stable, low-eccentricity orbits. However, if planetary engulfment is common, it suggests that many systems undergo violent dynamic phases.”

Implications?

“Life wouldn’t just need billions of years to emerge and evolve. The planet would also have to remain in a sufficiently stable orbit to survive significant gravitational perturbations.”

If you’re wondering about our own star, it’s light in refractory materials relative to volatiles, which at least one recent study sees as a sign of planet formation at an early era. What became rocky planets and planetesimals, in other words, was never accreted into our star. I give that citation below. This and subsequent work seems to peg the Sun as the center of a dynamically quiet system compared to many, but be aware that the debate on this matter continues.

How useful is beryllium as a marker in such an analysis? The authors argue that despite the fact that beryllium is eventually depleted in a stellar interior, it persists long enough to provide reliable information. From the paper (my italics):

Refractory elements offer an excellent way to distinguish between the planet engulfment or the proto-cloud inhomogeneity scenarios. Since they have high condensation temperatures (≳1000 K), they are the primary constituents of the rocky material in planetary systems – terrestrial planets and cores of gaseous planets. In case of engulfment by a Sun-like star, this material is accreted by the star and then dissolved and mixed in the convective envelope, increasing the stellar surface abundances after the event (Sandquist et al. 2002). This process, however, produces a metal-rich outer layer with an unstable mean molecular weight gradient, which triggers thermohaline mixing (Théado & Vauclair 2012; Sevilla et al. 2022). For fragile elements such as Li and Be, this thermohaline mixing induces depletion, as it can carry these elements below the convective zone, into their burning regions. Thus, the chemical enrichment caused by the engulfment disappears over time. Nevertheless, Sevilla et al. (2022) demonstrated through simulations that the Li engulfment signature in stars with masses close to solar can be detected for ≥1 Gyr.

As far as I can tell, it’s the treatment of beryllium as a marker of engulfment that gives this paper its significance, as heretofore it has been used primarily as a diagnostic for the mixing of elements in stellar interiors. More broadly speaking, though, any reminders of the factors that make our Solar System adaptable for life should help us in identifying systems where life is less likely. That’s worth keeping in mind as we move beyond easy assumptions about life’s ubiquity and dig into realities that may make it more unusual than we thought.

The paper is Rathsam et al. (2026). Planet engulfment in the chemically anomalous HD 129171/HD 129209 pair. Astronomy & Astrophysics, 710, A236 (full text). The interesting paper on beryllium’s persistence is Soares et al. (2025). Assessing the processes behind planet engulfment and its imprints. Astronomy & Astrophysics, 693, A47 (preprint). The paper on the composition of our Sun is Meléndez et al. (2009). The peculiar solar composition and its possible relation to planet formation. The Astrophysical Journal Letters, 704(1), L66–L70. Abstract.

Wednesday assorted links

1. Competitive market behavior with LLMs?

2. Prophets of the Marginal Revolution.

3. The university after AI.

4. Which African nations are spending on education?

5. @mattyglesias: “In an all-or-nothing scenario, bond interest rates would go to the moon. Why lend money at 5% (or whatever) if the two options are not being repaid and stocks going through the roof?

6. David Schleicher on how property taxes are evolving, underrated yet important ideas.  Good sequence.

7. I just bought the new China Mieville book.

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AirPods 5 With Wireless Charging Case Works With MagSafe, But Not Magnetically

In my long take yesterday on Apple’s event last week, I wrote that when you pay $20 extra to get the $150 AirPods 5 With Wireless Charging Case, that the case is compatible for inductive charging with “MagSafe, Qi, or Apple Watch pucks”. But the compatibility section of Apple’s tech specs page for AirPods 5 doesn’t list MagSafe:

Works with USB‑C connector, Apple Watch charger, or Qi‑certified chargers

That’s because for Apple, true MagSafe compatibility means magnetic attachment. The AirPods 5 case doesn’t have MagSafe magnets (the case is seemingly too small), only magnets for the Apple Watch puck. AirPods Pro cases have magnets to attach to both pucks. So when you charge AirPods Pro with MagSafe, they snap to the puck. I can snap my AirPods Pro 3 case onto a nearly vertical MagSafe charger, like the Nomad Stand One I keep next to my keyboard. (Great product — you should get one. I have two; the other is on my nightstand.) I can’t charge the AirPods 5 case on that stand because it just falls off.

But if I lay the AirPods 5 case on a horizontal MagSafe puck, it charges just fine. That’s because MagSafe pucks are themselves Qi-compatible. I see why Apple is a stickler for this — the “Mag” in MagSafe carries an obvious meaning — but by not mentioning MagSafe, it’s reasonable to draw the conclusion that the AirPods 5 Wireless Charging Case doesn’t work with MagSafe at all.

 ★ 

Very good news

Michael Kremer picked as World Bank chief economist (Bloomberg).  Here are many many previous MR posts on Kremer, of course Alex also worked with him on Operation Warp Speed.

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‘Apple Reference Image: A New Approach for Verified Photography’

Apple Security Research has released a concise, cogent paper describing how Apple Reference Image works, and why they made it. A terrific read. Here’s just one fascinating bit regarding privacy:

Other industry solutions require a photographer or institution to vouch for an image using their own credentials. We are concerned this puts some photographers, such as those operating in conflict zones, in a difficult position; it should not be necessary to forgo anonymity in order to prove image authenticity. We built Apple Reference Image to avoid using an explicit, public credential for photographers, and to avoid even implicit public association between different photos taken by the same sensor. The final reference image is instead signed by Apple’s signing service, after validation by PCC. That signature is backed by Apple’s strongest technical guarantees.

Our implementation also protects the confidentiality of the image itself, including from Apple. Merely capturing a reference image should never expose the actual pixels to Apple or anyone else. We achieve this through the exceptional privacy properties of PCC — the nodes themselves are architected so that not even Apple can access image data, just as Apple cannot see the information processed for Apple Intelligence in PCC. While the revocation service must maintain a private record of photo GUIDs and associated sensors to allow for revocation, it never has access to the image data, and does not allow for public access to this record. And as final revocation checks occur using on-device lists, a device never reveals to anyone which photo it’s looking at in order to find out whether it’s still valid.

 ★ 

What Regulatory Capture Actually Looks Like

It’s amazing how a theory can take over a brain. Consider the idea that people believe what serves their interests. As heuristics go, it’s a good one. I use it all the time. Yet when Dario Amodei says AI is dangerous, perhaps even an extinction risk, some people conclude he must be running a marketing campaign. That is stupid. Which is more likely, that a useful heuristic sometimes misfires or that “our product might kill you” is a clever way to sell it? Death threats are a poor marketing strategy.

We also have plenty of evidence that the fears of AI experts are sincere. Amodei, Altman and Musk were all publicly warning about AI risk long before they had AI companies to promote. The worry runs well beyond the executive suite; rank and file researchers share it. And it extends outside the industry altogether, to computer scientists with no product to sell, among them Nobel laureate Geoffrey Hinton. Hinton left a high-paying job at Google precisely so he could speak out and Hinton is not in a Berkeley polycule with Eliezer Yudkowsky, at least as far as I know. Whatever else you may say about the belief that AI presents a serious risk, plenty of AI researchers believe it sincerely.

Similarly, when Amodei recently proposed to slow the pace and install independent safety teams at AI companies many people jumped to the conclusion that this was regulatory capture. Sorry, but no, that theory doesn’t make sense. To see why, we should review the theory of regulatory capture.

Regulatory capture came out of the political science literature especially Marver Bernstein’s 1955 classic, Regulating Business by Independent Commission. Bernstein argues for a regulatory life cycle: Gestation, Youth, Maturity, Old Age. A scandal brings a bureaucracy into existence—or gives an existing one new powers. The public’s attention, like Sauron’s eye, fixes on the issue of the day: something must be done. The thalidomide scandal, for example, helped establish the modern FDA.

Gestation gives way to a youthful burst of reform and the do-gooders come to Washington ready to battle the industry. Inevitably, however, the public’s eye looks elsewhere. But the industry never looks away. It lobbies Congress, hires former regulators, trains future ones, and supplies much of the information the agency needs. As the agency matures, accommodation replaces confrontation. By old age, the regulator has become the industry’s protector. The classic example is the ICC, created to regulate the railroads but it eventually came to shield them from competition from the trucking industry.

Notice that classic regulatory capture takes time, it’s a process of erosion rather than a battle, it happens in the shadows, in the backrooms, away from the public’s eye. As Culpepper argues in Quiet Politics and Business Power, business power goes down as political salience goes up. Regulatory capture and lobbying does a good job explaining why roasting coffee beans was defined as “domestic manufacturing”, thereby lowering Starbuck’s tax rate by 2%. It does less well at explaining big cross-industry issues the public cares about such as environmental regulation or race and gender discrimination regulation. Finally, don’t confuse capture with firms making the best of a bad situation. Philip Morris supported the 2009 Tobacco Control Act not because FDA regulation was Philip Morris’s unconstrained ideal but because it knew regulation was coming and it wanted a seat at the table to nudge the rules in its favor. That’s ordinary political bargaining—or rent-seeking—not evidence that the regulator has been captured.

Now let’s evaluate Amodei’s call for regulation in light of regulatory capture theory. AI regulation is in gestation. Public attention is fixed on the industry, and much of that attention is hostile. The big profits in AI lie in automating work, and job loss is a much more salient fear than extinction. AI politics is now loud–precisely the environment in which Culpepper predicts business power will be weakest. A mature industry can bend regulation to its purposes through revolving doors, longstanding relationships and obscure rulemaking. An industry under Sauron’s eye has much less power and faces much greater risk that politics will bend regulation to its purposes. Political actors are eager for an excuse to redistribute AI rents away from capitalists and toward favored groups (ala Peltzman).

Regulation will reduce AI profits. That doesn’t prove that every rule Amodei favors is innocent of self-interest, an absurd proposition. I suspect that Amodei’s ideal may be something like a single regulated AI monopoly—safe and reasonable profitable, like the old AT&T. But that’s not the profit maximizing outcome. If transformative AI can capture even a fraction of the enormous labor market–the world’s biggest market–laissez-faire would mean vastly greater profits. Amodei may simply prefer a smaller fortune and a safer world. That is perfectly consistent with self-interest playing a role; it is not consistent with the bastardized theory that profit maximization is the only thing that matters or that “capture” is universal.

Go ahead: argue that Amodei and other AI experts are wrong about AI risk. Ask whether his proposals favor Anthropic. But calling “our product might kill you” a clever marketing and regulatory-capture strategy isn’t sophisticated analysis. The facts don’t fit regulatory capture theory and trying to make them fit requires epistemically painful Ptolemaic epicycles. Even a dull Ockham’s razor cuts through that story to the obvious alternative: Amodei actually believes what he’s saying.

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The meaning of fake marble

Marble painting of a peacock beside a pedestal with a sphere, abstract shapes in the background.

From ancient Roman frescoes to modern kitchen benchtops, our desire to recreate marble is about more than cutting costs

- by Aeon Video

Watch on Aeon

"The single most important quality in a great researcher is to be lucky"

 Here's an interview recorded during my visit to Taiwan this past April.  It begins with my first reply:

"The single most important quality in a great researcher is to be lucky, and to find topics that are worth working on and that yield to investigation."

 

The economics of cyber risk

From Aniket Baksy and Daniele Caratelli, here is part of the abstract:

Because larger firms are more attractive targets but also invest more in protection, the model generates an inverse-U relationship between firm size and attack risk, consistent with the data. Introducing cyber risk reduces firm entry by 3.6 percent, aggregate productivity by 0.6 percent, and total output by 1.8 percent. These effects arise from general equilibrium adjustments in entry, firm size, and spillovers that are absent in typical partial-equilibrium analyses. Policy responses differ sharply: appropriately designed subsidies and minimum cybersecurity requirements can raise aggregate output, while bailouts reduce it.

Note this is not a paper about AI.  But it may help us develop estimates of the future costs of AI cyberattacks.  We need much more effort in this direction, and I hope this subfield rises in status rapidly.

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September 15, 2026

Seven years ago, on September 15, 2019, after about a six-week hiatus during the summer, I wrote a Facebook post that started:

“Many thanks to all of you who have reached out to see if I’m okay. I am, indeed (aside from having been on the losing end of an encounter with a yellow jacket this afternoon!). I’ve been moving, setting up house, and finishing the new book. Am back and ready to write, but now everything seems like such a dumpster fire it’s very hard to know where to start. So how about a general overview of how things at the White House look to me, today....”

I wrote a review of Trump’s apparent mental decline amidst his faltering presidency, stonewalling of investigations of potential criminal activity by him or his associates, stacking of the courts, and attempting to use the power of the government to help his 2020 reelection.

Then I noted that the chair of the House Intelligence Committee, Representative Adam Schiff (D-CA), had written a letter to the acting director of national intelligence, Joseph Maguire, on Friday, September 13, telling Maguire he knew that a whistleblower had filed a complaint with the inspector general of the intelligence community, who had deemed the complaint “credible” and “urgent.” This meant that the complaint was supposed to be sent on to the House Intelligence Committee. But, rather than sending it to the House as the law required, Maguire had withheld it. Schiff’s letter told Maguire that he’d better hand it over. Schiff speculated that Maguire was covering up evidence of crimes by the president or his closest advisors.

And I added: “None of this would fly in America if the Senate, controlled by Majority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, were not aiding and abetting him.”

“This is the story of a dictator on the rise,” I wrote, “taking control of formerly independent branches of government, and using the power of his office to amass power.”

Readers swamped me with questions. So I wrote another post answering them and trying to explain the news, which began breaking at a breathtaking pace.

And so these Letters from an American were born.

Seven years later, we are approaching the midpoint of Trump’s second term, and the patterns I saw seven years ago are slicing to the heart of both the mechanics and the soul of the United States.

In that first letter where I warned of rising authoritarianism, I wrote: “So what do those of us who love American democracy do? Make noise. Take up oxygen…. Defend what is great about this nation: its people, and their willingness to innovate, work, and protect each other. Making America great has never been about hatred or destruction or the aggregation of wealth at the very top; it has always been about building good lives for everyone on the principle of self-determination. While we have never been perfect, our democracy is a far better option than the autocratic oligarchy Trump is imposing on us.”

And we have made noise, and we have taken up oxygen. All across the country, people have stepped up to defend our democracy from those who are open about their plans to destroy it and install a dictator. Democrats and Republicans as well as people previously unaligned, we have reiterated why democracy matters.

If you are tired from the last seven years, you have earned the right to be.

And yet you are still here, reading, commenting, protesting, articulating a new future for the nation. And I am proud to be among you.

I write these letters because I love America. I am staunchly committed to the principle of human self-determination for people of all races, genders, abilities, and ethnicities: the idea that we all have the right to work to become whatever we wish. I believe that American democracy has the potential to be the form of government that comes closest to bringing that principle to reality. And I know that achieving that equality depends on a government shaped by fact-based debate rather than by extremist ideology and false narratives.

And so I write.

I have come to understand that I am simply the translator for the sentiments shared by millions of people who are finding each other and giving voice to the principles of democracy. Your steadfast interest, curiosity, critical thinking, and especially your kindness—to me and to one another—illustrate that we have not only the power, but also the passion, to reinvent our nation.

To those who read these letters, send tips, proofread, criticize, comment, argue, worry, cheer, award medals, and support me and one another: I thank you for bringing me along on this wild, unexpected, exhausting, and exhilarating journey.

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Politics Chat, September 15, 2026

Retired judge J. Michael Luttig warned that House Speaker Mike Johnson could install a loyalist clerk to refuse to seat duly elected Democrats after the 2026 midterms, paralyzing the House. The Supreme Court ruled that the administration cannot implement its mail-in ballot screening program before the midterms. Of 30 lawsuits seeking state voter rolls, Trump has now lost all 23 that have been decided, including before judges he appointed. Iran-backed Houthi forces seized the Bab el-Mandeb Strait on Yemen’s Red Sea coast and struck a Saudi pipeline, compounding the oil crisis caused by Iran’s closure of the Strait of Hormuz. Diesel prices have surpassed 6 dollars a gallon, the highest on record. Anthropic’s CEO published an essay warning that AI development needs stronger regulation, drawing pushback from the administration. ProPublica reported that a Russian oligarch close to Vladimir Putin bankrolled Donald Trump Jr.’s wedding celebration. The New Yorker reported that Jared Kushner has been negotiating a Ukraine peace deal trading Ukrainian territory for Trump family business rights in Russia.

Watch today’s live recording here.

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You can also find Heather:
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When discussing AI policy, start with China

Whatever your ideas for regulating AI, I say start with China.  Do not put China as an afterthought at the end of your proposal, mentioned in a vague wish that something good ought to happen and that maybe the future of humanity can be secured.

During the 2023 U.S.-China nuclear talks, America proposed missile-launch notifications, a nuclear crisis hotline, and processes to limit the use of outer space for military conflict.  China declined all of those.  Blame the U.S. if you wish (do we always keep our word?), but that is what happened.

China also broke off meaningful arms control talks.  You may think it is their right to play catch-up, and to be cynical of our motives, but that is what happened.

How well did China exchange timely information about Covid, and cooperate with stopping its initial spread?

Get the picture?

If you start with China in your discussion, you will end up with sensible proposals before getting too caught up in your moods of the day.  If you are reading proposals or for that matter tweets for AI regulation, and the writer does not deal with these China issues in a forthright and very specific manner, you should be very suspicious indeed.

Here is Ezra and Matt Sheehan, discussing related issues (NYT).

The post When discussing AI policy, start with China appeared first on Marginal REVOLUTION.

       

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Central Pacific Tropical Weather Outlook


Central North Pacific 2-Day Graphical Outlook Image
Central North Pacific 7-Day Graphical Outlook Image


000
ACPN50 PHFO 181743
TWOCP

Tropical Weather Outlook
NWS Central Pacific Hurricane Center Honolulu HI
Issued by NWS National Hurricane Center Miami FL
800 AM HST Fri Sep 18 2026

For the central North Pacific...between 140W and 180W:

Western East Pacific (EP98):
Showers and thunderstorms associated with an area of low pressure
located almost 1000 miles south-southwest of the southern tip of
the Baja California Peninsula have become a little better organized
since yesterday, but the system's circulation remains broad and
elongated. Environmental conditions appear conducive for additional
development of this system, and a tropical depression is likely to
form this weekend as it moves westward at 10 to 15 mph across the
western East Pacific.
* Formation chance through 48 hours...high...70 percent.
* Formation chance through 7 days...high...80 percent.

Well East-Southeast of the Hawaiian Islands (Former TD 15-E):
Showers and thunderstorms associated with the remnants of Tropical
Depression Fifteen-E, located more than 1000 miles east-southeast
of the Hawaiian Islands, remain disorganized. Environmental
conditions appear conducive for some development of this system
next week as it moves westward to west-southwestward, and a
tropical depression could form well to the south or southeast of the
Hawaiian Islands by the middle to latter part of next week.
* Formation chance through 48 hours...low...10 percent.
* Formation chance through 7 days...medium...40 percent.

$$
Forecaster Berg
NNNN


Atlantic Tropical Weather Outlook


Atlantic 2-Day Graphical Outlook Image
Atlantic 7-Day Graphical Outlook Image


713
ABNT20 KNHC 181726
TWOAT

Tropical Weather Outlook
NWS National Hurricane Center Miami FL
200 PM EDT Fri Sep 18 2026

For the North Atlantic...Caribbean Sea and the Gulf of America:

Eastern Subtropical Atlantic (AL99):
Showers and thunderstorms have changed little in organization since
this morning in association with an area of low pressure located
several hundred miles southwest of the Azores. However, just a small
increase in organization is likely to result in the formation of a
tropical depression as soon as later today. The system is expected
to move slowly over the next couple of days remaining southwest of
the Azores, followed by a turn to the southwest by early next week,
when environmental conditions are forecast to become less favorable
for additional development.
* Formation chance through 48 hours...high...70 percent.
* Formation chance through 7 days...high...70 percent.

$$
Forecaster Papin


Eastern Pacific Tropical Weather Outlook


Eastern North Pacific 2-Day Graphical Outlook Image
Eastern North Pacific 7-Day Graphical Outlook Image


000
ABPZ20 KNHC 181743
TWOEP

Tropical Weather Outlook
NWS National Hurricane Center Miami FL
1100 AM PDT Fri Sep 18 2026

For the eastern and central North Pacific east of 180 longitude:

South of Southwestern Mexico (EP99):
A broad area of low pressure located about 800 miles
south-southwest of the southwestern coast of Mexico continues to
produce disorganized shower and thunderstorm activity.
Environmental conditions are conducive for development, and a
tropical depression is likely to form late this weekend or early
next week while it moves generally northward off the coast of
southwestern Mexico.
* Formation chance through 48 hours...medium...40 percent.
* Formation chance through 7 days...high...80 percent.

Western East Pacific (EP98):
Showers and thunderstorms associated with an area of low pressure
located almost 1000 miles south-southwest of the southern tip of
the Baja California Peninsula have become a little better organized
since yesterday, but the system's circulation remains broad and
elongated. Environmental conditions appear conducive for additional
development of this system, and a tropical depression is likely to
form this weekend as it moves westward at 10 to 15 mph across the
western East Pacific.
* Formation chance through 48 hours...high...70 percent.
* Formation chance through 7 days...high...80 percent.

Well East-Southeast of the Hawaiian Islands (Former TD 15-E):
Showers and thunderstorms associated with the remnants of Tropical
Depression Fifteen-E, located more than 1000 miles east-southeast
of the Hawaiian Islands, remain disorganized. Environmental
conditions appear conducive for some development of this system
next week as it moves westward to west-southwestward, and a
tropical depression could form well to the south or southeast of the
Hawaiian Islands by the middle to latter part of next week.
* Formation chance through 48 hours...low...10 percent.
* Formation chance through 7 days...medium...40 percent.

$$
Forecaster Berg


A Treasure Chest in the Carina Nebula

A Treasure Chest in the Carina Nebula A Treasure Chest in the Carina Nebula