📙 #096 - DOOM E1M1, Mainly YouTube, and AI being a twat

The amount of YouTube collaboration spam increased dramatically the other day. They may be legit - doubtful - but either way indistinguishable from phishing attempts to get me to “login with YouTube” on some dodgy site.

Normally I get 4-5 a week, but the last couple of days it’s been like that per-day.

Last newsletter the prediction was I’d hit 10,000 subscribers on the 21st September, a few days from now, and I thought for a moment that this increase in spam was an interesting way to discover I’d hit that number early. Turns out at time of writing I’m at 9,993.

But, some of the backend of YouTube was hiccuping yesterday so I couldn’t check the precise numbers, which may have also explained the rise in spam; if the bots couldn’t see them perhaps they spam more?!

🎯 🎯 🎯

# THE NUMBERS DON’T MATTER, UNTIL THEY DO FOR THE WRONG REASONS

I’m not, for the record, particularly chasing numbers - if I was I wouldn’t be making all these tutorial videos - the reason for tracking the “Target” is; I’ve been told things can get weird on the spam front when you hit 10k.

It’s worth keeping an eye on, in case I think I’ve suddenly become successful (or even good), rather than a more likely automated email targeting from bots.

🤖 🤖 🤖

# THE TUTORIAL TO AI PIPELINE, AND BURNOUT

We’re up to 20 videos on the Drawing Machines 101 course.

The approach I’m taking with this is; “What if I were running a college course for a year, and had the students for 1-hour a week” - over the weeks I’d be building up the fundamentals, introducing concepts and developing them over the future lessons.

Things are going generally to plan.

However, there’s still this nagging feeling that I’m now just feeding the AI machine.

Pen plotting is niche, there’s a lot of code out there, so I’m definitely not the only source of that. But there are very few of us making courses and videos going through pen plotting step-by-step, unlike say how-to-shoot-cinematic-videos videos.

I’m pretty sure the pipeline goes like this.

  1. I think & plan what’s going to do into a video to introduce the next bit of pen plotting code, why it’s important and how it fits in with everything else.

  2. I shoot the video, edit it and upload it.

  3. YouTube/Google transcribes the video and processes it with AI.

  4. Someone googles a pen plotting question.

  5. google AI answers the question based in some part on the contents of the video I created.

I understand that I’m making UGC - “User Generated Content”, and I’m a “content creator” - but the old deal was platforms would put my content and me in front of people.

And if it’s not the platform then someone else is feeding it all to an AI to make new (probably better) videos 🤷‍♂️

🥰 🥰 🥰

# FUN

I’ve decided the correct response to this is to get back to also having fun.

If the platforms aren’t going to satisfy my deregulated dopamine receptors, then I’m just going to have to do it myself.

I used to make “Weeknotes” videos (144 of them, wow), which were purely for myself, as a visual journal and way to learn how to use all the hardware & software involved in making videos.

They were fun, but weekly was hard work.

Instead I’m having a stab at a hybrid project/journal video format; starting with the monthly Patreon projects. Where I’m recording a video diary of the progress of each project. At some point, when all the Drawing Machine 101 tutorials are completed (hahahahahah), then I’ll be able to spend all my time making project/journal videos.

For now though, I think I’ve made enough of the tutorial videos, that I’m “allowed” to drop in these other videos.

The one I’m still working on, shown above, is about the handwriting/typewriter pen plots, which’ll switch to being something art based for the posting out to Patreon members next week (so there’s still time to sign up).

🔫 🔫 🔫

# DOOM & PATREON

A couple of months ago I was playing with the code from the game The Sentinel to convert levels into plottable SVG files (and riso prints). Recently I’ve been tinkering with making 3D galleries as a way to view the photos and blog posts on my website (not live yet), for various ridiculous reasons.

As part of doing that I had to do two things, one; deal with 3d randomised room layouts, handling wireframes and so on, which look a bit like this.

The second is pre-baking lighting into the textures so I don’t have to do it at ‘run-time’, which is an old DOOM game trick.

Having dipped my foot into writing ray-tracing code, at which I’m not particularly good and the code isn’t particularly fast, that experience has allowed me to write slow clunky code that takes about 16 minutes to ‘light’ a gallery, and gives me a texture map like this…

…and those textures then get stuck on the walls, ceiling and floor of the rooms, so they look like this…

(Boring details, lighting information is then also stored for each spot where a photo/picture can be ‘hung’, so any images pulled in from blog posts, can be lit properly to match the location on the wall).

Fun fact, a long time ago, I wrote a level editor for DOOM, which converted ASCII nethack style maps into DOOM maps, so back in my Uni days I was deep into the .WAD and maps file format. I’d not touched it for a good while, but I’ve seen enough libraries pop up, including in javascript to know playing with maps would be do-able.

So while I’m not going to convert all the sprites and UI to pen plottable vectors, I have managed to convert the map data into something I can work with. Chaining it with the hidden line removal tools I had to write for The Sentinel, I’m like 98% certain, I can pen plot DOOM 😁

It’s not quite can you play DOOM on a pen plotter, but next month for Patreon (and YouTube), I’m going to have a go at plotting frames of a run through of E1M1 to turn into an animation. The Postcard level of the Patreon, will get you a couple of frames & something else Doom map related, and I’m going to do some much larger pieces that’ll end up in the shop [only just up and running and not much there yet] about four months after the Patreon.

(This video will be compressed tf by SubStack).

😴 😴 😴

# THE END

I’m at the point where a whole bunch of things happen to be almost finished at the same time, each about 95% of the way there. The shop is like 95% finished, I just need to get more stuff up there, the flow of tutorial & ‘normal’ videos feels like it’s getting nailed down. The 3d gallery stuff is almost ready to go live, as is the update to my website. The handwriting capture on an iPad is so close, and the process that goes along with that (capturing 👉 generating SVG).

This month I did have to take just over a week off (last week to take Zee to Uni at the other end of the country), and I’ve been super poorly this week, so I haven’t done as much Patreon posting as I’d have liked, but that feels like it’s settling into a good groove too.

To the point that the Patreon is supposed to support making the tutorial videos (and send art out to members) and this month there was enough left over from postage to pay for my groceries while I was away/poorly, which took the mental pressure off doing/making/showing for a bit.

Which was extraordinarily lovely.

It feels like it’s… working?!?

I don’t particularly enjoy self promotion (although this edition of the newsletter seems particularly self promotionally), but I suspect the next few months will feel a bit more “Hey, I’ve finished a thing, here it is” until I’ve gotten them all out of the way, sorry about that, I’ll try not to do it too much 😁

Until next time - Thursday 1st October - by which I’m pretty sure we’ll have hit that 10k YouTube subs target, and can pick a new arbitrary number.

Love you all
Dan
🧡


Thanks for reading Drawing Machines & Notes from Art Studio Robots! This post is public so feel free to share it.

Share

How SpaceX Streamlined the Raptor Engine

Via SpaceX.

If you’re reading this, there’s a very good chance you’ve seen this famous image of three iterations of SpaceX’s Raptor rocket engine. The Raptor engine was developed for SpaceX’s Starship spacecraft (the Falcon 9 and Falcon Heavy use the Merlin engine); it was first test-fired in 2016, first flew on Starhopper in 2019, and first flew on a Starship prototype in 2020 and on the full Starship stack in 2023. Since then, it’s continued to improve, going from the tangle of pipes and wires you can see on the Raptor 1 to the smooth, streamlined design of the Raptor 3, which first flew in May of this year.

The evolution is so dramatic that many folks initially believed that it wasn’t real; Tory Bruno, the then-CEO of space launch company United Launch Alliance, tweeted that there was “no need to exaggerate this by showing a partially assembled engine,” which was followed by SpaceX president Gwynne Shotwell tweeting a picture of the Raptor 3 firing successfully:

This streamlining has come alongside meaningful gains in performance, with the Raptor 3 providing about 35% more thrust than the Raptor 1.

I wanted to better understand how this evolution actually happened. What, specifically, did SpaceX change that allowed it to go from the tangle of wires and pipes to the svelte, streamlined engine on the right?

There turned out to be less detail available here than I hoped. SpaceX doesn’t publish any official Raptor schematics, and no one has done a teardown of a Raptor engine. But thanks to the occasional comment from Elon Musk, and the speculations of an army of SpaceX fans, we can get some idea of what the major changes have been.

How the Raptor engine works

The Raptor engine is a “full-flow staged combustion” (FFSC) engine. What exactly does that mean?

A rocket engine works by throwing mass (“propellant”) out of a rocket nozzle — due to Newton’s Third Law (“for every action there is an equal and opposite reaction”), this pushes the rocket in the other direction. The more mass you can throw out, and the faster you throw it, the more thrust your rocket engine will produce.

The simplest way to do this is to simply fill a tank full of pressurized gas, and vent some of the gas out. The venting gas propels the rocket, in the same way that letting the air out of a balloon pushes the balloon. This sort of rocket, called a “cold gas thruster,” is often used for making minor adjustments to a spacecraft’s position or orientation. Cold gas thrusters are found on, among other equipment, NASA’s Manned Maneuvering Unit, and the control thrusters for SpaceX’s Falcon 9 rocket.

Cold gas thruster diagram, via Wikipedia.
Manned Maneuvering Unit, via Wikipedia.

These engines are simple and reliable, but limited; there’s only so much thrust you can practically get from a cold gas thruster. So how can we get more thrust? One obvious way is instead of a single propellant, we can use two: take a fuel (like kerosene) and an oxidizer (like oxygen) and then burn them together in a combustion chamber, creating hot gas that escapes out the back of your rocket nozzle. Now instead of just using the energy stored in the pressurized propellants, we’re also using the energy stored in their chemical bonds, and converting that energy into thrust. An engine that uses the pressure of the propellant tanks to force fuel and oxidizer into the combustion chamber is called a pressure-fed engine. The engine used for the ascent stage of the Apollo Lunar Module was this type of engine: it used nitrogen tetroxide (N2O4) as an oxidizer and a fuel called Aerozine 50, both pressurized.

Apollo Lunar Module ascent engine, via Engine History.

But now you have a problem. To prevent the burning gases in the combustion chamber from flowing back into the fuel and oxidizer lines (starving the combustion chamber of incoming propellant), the pressure in the combustion chamber has to be lower than the pressure in the fuel and oxidizer tanks and lines. But for a compact, powerful rocket engine, we want to have very high pressures in the combustion chamber. We could deal with this by increasing the pressure in our propellant storage, but this quickly gets impractical: the higher the pressures, the thicker and heavier our storage tanks and propellant lines need to be in order to maintain them without rupture. A better solution is to store the propellants at low pressure, and then feed them through a pump that increases their pressure before they reach the combustion chamber. This is the standard way to build a powerful rocket engine, and virtually every engine used for putting a rocket into orbit uses a pump of some kind to pressurize the fuel and oxidizer.

F-1 engine used on the Saturn V rocket. The pumps for the fuel and oxidizer are on the upper right.

Now we have a new problem: because of the volume of fluid they must handle and the amount of pressure they must add, these pumps require an enormous amount of power to operate. The turbopump on the F-1 engine used on the Saturn V, for instance, required around 41 megawatts of power, slightly less than the power the S8G nuclear reactor delivers to the propeller shaft of an Ohio-class submarine. One way to provide this power is with a battery — Rocket Lab’s Electron rocket has an engine with a battery-powered electric pump — but the more common strategy, employed by virtually every large booster rocket, is to use the rocket’s own propellant as a power source, burning a small amount of fuel and oxidizer to drive a turbine that in turn drives the pump.

There are different ways that a system like this can be configured. The simplest is to route a small amount of fuel and oxidizer to a turbine, and then vent the resulting exhaust. This is known as a gas generator cycle, and it’s what’s used on the F-1 engine, as well as SpaceX’s Merlin engine.

Another option is to burn some of the fuel and oxidizer to drive the pump, but then route the burned propellant through the main combustion chamber along with the unburned fuel/oxidizer. This is known as “staged combustion,” and the smaller combustion chamber used to drive the pumps is called the “preburner.” This is a more complex arrangement than a gas generator cycle, but it’s also more efficient, since the hot exhaust that drives the turbopump isn’t just wastefully vented.

For most staged combustion engines, only a portion of the propellant gets routed through the preburner: the rest gets routed around and goes directly to the combustion chamber. But SpaceX’s Raptor uses a particular type of staged combustion known as “full flow.” In a full-flow engine there are two preburners, one that drives the fuel pump and one that drives the oxygen pump. All the propellant gets routed through the preburners: in one of them, a small amount of oxidizer is burned in the presence of a large amount of fuel (leaving most of the fuel unburned), while in the other a small amount of fuel is burned in the presence of a large amount of oxidizer (leaving most of the oxidizer unburned). The fuel-rich and oxidizer-rich exhaust streams then both enter the main combustion chamber, where they’re burned together.

Full-flow staged combustion schematic, via Wikipedia.

A full-flow staged combustion engine is very complex, and prior to the Raptor only two had been built, neither of which successfully flew on a rocket. The Russians developed an FFSC engine in the 1960s, the RD-270, but it never flew, and the US built part of an FFSC engine called the Integrated Powerhead Demonstrator in the 1990s and 2000s, but it was never developed into a full engine. (When SpaceX began working on the Raptor in 2012, it obtained some of the equipment used on the Integrated Powerhead Demonstrator.) But an FFSC engine has several advantages, one of which is (theoretically) reliability: because so much mass flows through the turbines driving the pumps, the turbines can run cooler and at lower pressure, making them (in theory) more reliable. If you’re a company betting heavily on reusable rockets, a more reliable turbine is obviously attractive.

How the Raptor evolved

SpaceX is, understandably, tight-lipped about many of the specifics of its advanced rocket technology, and there’s less official information on the exact details of how the Raptor operates than you might hope. Nobody has opened up a Raptor engine to show what’s inside, and much of the information that exists comes from Elon Musk’s tweets or his comments in Everyday Astronaut interviews.

There are, however, a lot of SpaceX enthusiasts out there, many of whom do things like obsessively photograph every Raptor engine leaving the factory, and these folks have put a lot of effort into speculating about how the Raptor engine works. The most useful output of this speculation, for me, is the various fan-made schematics that show how the Raptor engine is thought to operate. These schematics aren’t official — they’re made by SpaceX enthusiasts piecing together information from various sources — so they must be taken with a large grain of salt. But they’re still a useful starting point for getting an idea of how people think various versions of the Raptor engine have worked.

To start, let’s look at some schematics of version 1 of the Raptor. The image below was created by Elisei Maslov, a Russian propulsion engineer, in 2019.

Via Elisei Maslov on Reddit.

Another useful Raptor version 1 schematic is the one below, created by NASASpaceFlight forum member “hisdirt” in December 2019. This is particularly useful because it calls out the various engine components on an actual 3D model of the engine (modeled in Revit, of all things).

Via “hisdirt” on NASASpaceFlight.

You can see in these schematics the basic components of a full-flow staged combustion engine: the oxygen pump, turbine, and preburner are on top of the engine, while the fuel pump, turbine, and preburner are the assembly on the side. You can also see how the fuel flows through the outside of the nozzle before going back into the preburner — this cools the nozzle so it doesn’t melt from the heat of the rocket exhaust, and is known as regenerative cooling.

The next schematic, made by NASASpaceFlight users “Livingjw” and “HVM” in February of 2022, is from Wikipedia, and it shows version 2 of the Raptor. This is less detailed than Maslov’s schematic — it basically just shows the flow of oxygen and methane — but it shows the same basic arrangement: oxygen pump assembly on the top, fuel pump assembly on the side.

And this schematic, posted by Twitter user “TheSpaceEngineer” in January 2025, shows version 3 of the Raptor.

Assuming that these schematics aren’t grossly misleading, we can see that the major architecture hasn’t changed between version 1 and version 3 of the engine. It’s still a full-flow staged combustion engine, and still has the basic arrangement of the oxygen pump, turbine, and preburner assembly on the top, with the fuel pump, turbine, and preburner mounted to the side, with fuel being used to regeneratively cool the nozzle. And you can see that a lot of the smaller lines are the same on versions 1 and 3. Both show nitrogen lines used for purging (clearing propellant out of the system), both show fuel and oxidizer lines going to the igniters, and both have fuel and oxidizer lines carrying gaseous propellant back to the tanks to keep them pressurized as they empty (this is known as autogenous pressurization).

So what changed? If we look closely at the version 1 and version 3 schematics (remembering again that these are unofficial and speculative), we can see a few differences. Version 3 shows the smaller lines bundled together in a “common umbilical,” and if we look at photos of the Raptor 3 connected to a rocket we can see this:

Raptor 3, via the Starship SpaceX wiki. The common umbilical appears to be above the fuel turbo assembly.

The version 1 schematic also shows helium being used to spin up the fuel and oxygen turbines initially, while in version 3 these lines have been eliminated, and nitrogen is used instead. (It’s not amazingly obvious to me if this evolution is correct — some Reddit commenters on the version 1 schematic stated that helium wasn’t used — but there’s some evidence that it is.) Per these schematics, the helium used to control some valves present on version 1 is also absent on version 3, and the version 3 schematic shows no helium lines whatsoever.

The version 3 schematic also notes that a heat exchanger has been eliminated, something echoed by various folks on the NASASpaceFlight forums — this appears to be a gaseous oxygen heat exchanger near the preburner. There’s also a fuel line going to the preburner that’s present on version 1 but is absent on the version 3 schematic.

Version 1
Version 3

The more reliable source of changes, of course, is statements by Elon Musk and SpaceX. A 2022 NASASpaceFlight article about SpaceX’s update on the Starship progress noted that “everything from turbomachinery to chamber nozzle to electronics” was redesigned on Raptor 2, the turbopump had shrunk, and the preburner controllers “had been moved to boxes rather than being all over the engine.” An Everyday Astronaut article about the same update also notes that “many valves were combined into valve plates.” In a recent response to a September 5 tweet by Yishan Wong, the former CEO of Reddit, Musk ran down a short list of changes in the Raptor over time:

One big category here is sensors, and the various wires and cables they require. From what I understand, Raptor version 1 was in large part a development engine, and thus required a lot of extra sensors monitoring things like temperature and pressure in various parts of the engine to determine how it was behaving. As the engine got dialed in, a lot of these sensors could be eliminated (though some of them may have been moved internally).

Another thing Musk calls out is the main chamber spark igniters. Igniters, per their name, ignite the fuel and oxidizer in the main combustion chamber. These were present in version 1 of the Raptor, but by version 2 they had been eliminated. Musk doesn’t say what they were replaced with, but this change may have something to do with the fact that the hot fuel and oxidizer exhaust streams from the preburners probably need very little encouragement to combust. (A NASASpaceFlight comment from 2019 wonders if main chamber igniters are even necessary, given the high temperature of the preburner exhaust streams.)

Musk also notes that a lot of bolted flange connections were replaced by welded connections, reducing mass and joints that can leak at the expense of serviceability. This appears to be still taking place, as early Raptor 3 photos show a large bolted flange on the main body of the engine that in later photos has been eliminated:

Another substantial change on Raptor 3 is that much of the piping hasn’t been eliminated, but moved internally, by way of 3D printing many of the components (Musk has previously noted that SpaceX “has the most advanced 3D metal printing technology in the world,” and in 2024 the company licensed the 3D metal printing technology of Velo3D).

Close-up photos of the Raptor 3, in fact, appear to show 3D printing lines:

Photo by Ying Zhang, via catdlr on NASASpaceFlight.

The purpose of this internalization is the removal of more parts, in particular the heat shield and fire suppression systems. The huge mass of wire and pipes on version 1 and version 2 of the Raptor required a large, heavy heat shield to protect it from the heat of the rocket exhaust. Internalizing the various propellant lines and adding internal cooling systems allows this heat shield and fire protection system to be eliminated. In fact, the biggest mass change from version 1 to version 3 of the Raptor comes from mass removal of “vehicle side” engine hardware, which is almost certainly largely the heat shield.

Raptor engines with heat shields.

Conclusion

SpaceX’s Raptor engine has undergone impressive evolution, going through several major versions, a dramatic increase in performance, and a dramatic decrease in mass and external components in a short amount of time. The fundamental architecture of the engine hasn’t changed — it’s still a full-flow staged combustion engine, using the same primary components — but the various ancillary elements and components supporting its operations have been modified significantly.

It’s worth noting that while this streamlining has made the Raptor engine simpler in the sense that various individual parts have been eliminated, it was still an (as Musk notes) enormously complex task to get it to work, and there’s a huge amount of internal complexity added to the Raptor 3 that these pictures don’t show. And the problems haven’t been completely ironed out: the first launch attempt of Starship’s flight test 13 was aborted automatically by the vehicle’s flight software at T-0 (right before liftoff) this past July when several Raptor 3 engines failed to start. So the picture of several versions of the Raptor is a snapshot of a piece of technology that’s continuing to evolve.

Simera Sense and IDOM partner to develop and produce xScape350 optical system as demand for high-resolution EO imagery surges

LEUVEN, BELGIUM and BILBAO, SPAIN – 17 September 2026—Simera Sense, a leading European provider of optical payload solutions for small satellites, today announced a strategic partnership with IDOM, one of […]

The post Simera Sense and IDOM partner to develop and produce xScape350 optical system as demand for high-resolution EO imagery surges appeared first on SpaceNews.

Inside Europe’s push for space autonomy with Josef Aschbacher

In this episode of the podcast, SpaceNews’ Mike Gruss interviews Josef Aschbacher, the director-general of the European Space Agency, at the World Space Business Week conference in Paris. They discuss […]

The post Inside Europe’s push for space autonomy with Josef Aschbacher appeared first on SpaceNews.

Catalyst Campus for Technology and Innovation, in partnership with the BMC3I TAP Lab, Selects Focus Area Cohort Teams for Cohort 26.A

bmc3i tap lab logo

Catalyst Campus for Technology and Innovation, in partnership with the BMC3I TAP Lab, has selected the Focus Area Cohort Teams (FACTs) participating in Cohort 26.A. The selected teams represent innovative […]

The post Catalyst Campus for Technology and Innovation, in partnership with the BMC3I TAP Lab, Selects Focus Area Cohort Teams for Cohort 26.A appeared first on SpaceNews.

Icarus Robotics tests Joy in Canada ahead of ISS flight

PARIS — Icarus Robotics, the New York startup developing dexterous mobile robots for space missions, conducted tests of its free-flying platform ahead of a 2027 demonstration on the International Space […]

The post Icarus Robotics tests Joy in Canada ahead of ISS flight appeared first on SpaceNews.

Satrec Initiative to build 10-centimeter-class optical satellites for Hanwha constellation

PARIS — South Korean company Satrec Initiative is working with parent company Hanwha Systems to provide high-resolution Earth imagery for the synthetic-aperture-radar (SAR) constellation announced in July. Satrec Initiative, acquires 25-centimeter optical […]

The post Satrec Initiative to build 10-centimeter-class optical satellites for Hanwha constellation appeared first on SpaceNews.

It’s the company you keep

So if you’re a regular reader of this site, you might have seen yesterday’s post, which detailed the Capo Unified School Board run of one Linda Shepherd, Moms For Liberty prototype and the bastard love child of Lisa Davis, Jennifer Adnams, Colonel Sanders and the fifth psalm.

And while researching ol’ Shep, I headed over to her Instagram feed and saw the above image—featuring Linda alongside Sonja Shaw.

If you don’t pay attention to these things, Sonja isn’t merely a candidate for Superintendent of Public Instruction, but a uniquely cruel and compassion-deprived woman. Hell, last year she made a big show out of attending an area high school track and field meet to berate the mother of a trans athlete, as well as the trans athlete. Who, to state the obvious, was just a kid and deserved no such hatred.

If you don’t believe me, here’s the video …

And, with elections less than two months away, I’d like to ask Linda Shepherd how she feels about Sonja Shaw. How she feels about trans students. How she feels about making trans student feel like dog excrement.

I would like to ask her whether Shaw’s behavior was appropriate, and whether—were she on the board—she would defend the child.

I would like to ask a whole lot of questions, because those who run hardest on morality are often—if not always—the most morally compromised and bankrupt.

PS: “Courage is doing the right thing even if you are afraid”—says the woman who voted for Donald Trump.

September 17, 2026

In 1761, 55-year-old Benjamin Franklin attended the coronation of King George III and later wrote that he expected the young monarch’s reign would “be happy and truly glorious.” Fifteen years later, in 1776, he helped to draft and then signed the Declaration of Independence. An 81-year-old man in 1787, he urged his colleagues at the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia to rally behind the new plan of government they had written.

“I confess that there are several parts of this constitution which I do not at present approve, but I am not sure I shall never approve them,” he said, “For having lived long, I have experienced many instances of being obliged by better information, or fuller consideration, to change opinions even on important subjects, which I once thought right, but found to be otherwise.”

The framers of the new constitution hoped it would fix the problems of the first attempt to create a new nation. During the Revolutionary War, the Second Continental Congress had hammered out a plan for a confederation of states, but with fears of government tyranny still uppermost in lawmakers’ minds, they centered power in the states rather than in a national government.

The result—the Articles of Confederation—was a “firm league of friendship” among the 13 new states, overseen by a congress of men chosen by the state legislatures and in which each state had one vote. The new pact gave the federal government few duties and even fewer ways to meet them. Indicating their inclinations, in the first substantive paragraph the authors of the agreement said: “Each state retains its sovereignty, freedom and independence, and every Power, Jurisdiction and right, which is not by this confederation expressly delegated to the United States, in Congress assembled.”

Within a decade, the states were refusing to contribute money to the new government and were starting to contemplate their own trade agreements with other countries. An economic recession in 1786 threatened farmers in western Massachusetts with the loss of their farms when the state government in the eastern part of the state refused relief; in turn, when farmers led by Revolutionary War captain Daniel Shays marched on Boston, propertied men were so terrified their own property would be seized that they raised their own army for protection.

The new system clearly could not protect property of either the poor or the rich and thus faced the threat of landless mobs. The nation seemed on the verge of tearing itself apart, and the new Americans were all too aware that both England and Spain were standing by, waiting to make the most of the opportunities such chaos would create.

And so, in 1786, leaders called for a reworking of the new government centered not on the states, but on the people of the nation represented by a national government. The document began, “We the People of the United States, in order to form a more perfect Union….”

The Constitution established a representative democracy, a republic, in which three branches of government would balance each other to prevent the rise of a tyrant. Congress would write all “necessary and proper” laws, levy taxes, borrow money, pay the nation’s debts, establish a postal service, establish courts, declare war, support an army and navy, organize and call forth “the militia to execute the Laws of the Union” and “provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States.”

The president would execute the laws, but if Congress overstepped, the president could veto proposed legislation. In turn, Congress could override a presidential veto. Congress could declare war, but the president was the commander in chief of the army and had the power to make treaties with foreign powers. It was all quite an elegant system of paths and tripwires, really.

A judicial branch would settle disputes between inhabitants of the different states and guarantee every defendant a right to a jury trial.

In this system, the new national government was uppermost. The Constitution provided that “[t]he Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all Privileges and Immunities of Citizens in the several States,” and promised that “the United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government, and shall protect each of them against Invasion….”

Finally, it declared: “This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of the Land; and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the Contrary notwithstanding.”

“I agree to this Constitution with all its faults, if they are such,” Franklin said after a weary four months spent hashing it out, “because I think a general Government necessary for us,” and, he said, it “astonishes me…to find this system approaching so near to perfection as it does; and I think it will astonish our enemies, who are waiting with confidence to hear that our…States are on the point of separation, only to meet hereafter for the purpose of cutting one another’s throats.”

“On the whole,” he said to his colleagues, “I can not help expressing a wish that every member of the Convention who may still have objections to it, would with me, on this occasion doubt a little of his own infallibility—and to make manifest our unanimity, put his name to this instrument.”

On September 17, 1787, they did.

Notes:

https://press-pubs.uchicago.edu/founders/documents/a7s3.html

https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/articles-of-confederation#transcript

Share

Politics Chat, September 17, 2026

House Speaker Mike Johnson sent members home until after the midterms, reportedly to avoid a vote on Representative Thomas Massie’s eight articles of impeachment against Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth. Massie’s articles cite War Powers Act violations tied to the Iran war, unauthorized strikes on boats near Venezuela, and 2025 strikes in Yemen. Diesel prices have surpassed 6 dollars a gallon, a record, as both the Strait of Hormuz and Yemen’s Bab el-Mandeb Strait remain disrupted. CBS reported that hundreds of buildings and aircraft have been destroyed in the Iran war, based on photos leaked by active-duty service members. Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney has asked the European Union about associate membership for Canada. The Wall Street Journal reported that Senator Katie Britt of Alabama privately lobbied for tariff exemptions while publicly praising the tariffs. Karl Rove wrote that he will vote for a Democrat in Texas this year, and Senator John Cornyn retweeted the piece. Trump’s political action committee is concentrating midterm spending in districts he won by five points or more.

Watch today’s live recording here.

Listen on Apple Podcasts
Listen on Spotify

Get full, free access to Letters from an American here.

You can also find Heather:
YouTube
Bluesky
Instagram
Facebook
Threads
TikTok

Trump Isn’t Taking the News Well

Lake Powell Drops to Record-Low Levels

September 1, 2017
September 10, 2026
Dark blue water in Lake Powell fills several bays and branching canyons amid a light orange desert landscape. The Glen Canyon Dam and the town of Page, Arizona, are visible in the lower left.
Dark blue water in Lake Powell fills several bays and branching canyons amid a light orange desert landscape. The Glen Canyon Dam and the town of Page, Arizona, are visible in the lower left.
NASA Earth Observatory / Lauren Dauphin
Water in Lake Powell is at record-low levels and looks like a wide river winding through a light orange desert landscape. The Glen Canyon Dam and the town of Page, Arizona, are visible in the lower left.
Water in Lake Powell is at record-low levels and looks like a wide river winding through a light orange desert landscape. The Glen Canyon Dam and the town of Page, Arizona, are visible in the lower left.
NASA Earth Observatory / Lauren Dauphin
Dark blue water in Lake Powell fills several bays and branching canyons amid a light orange desert landscape. The Glen Canyon Dam and the town of Page, Arizona, are visible in the lower left.
Dark blue water in Lake Powell fills several bays and branching canyons amid a light orange desert landscape. The Glen Canyon Dam and the town of Page, Arizona, are visible in the lower left.
NASA Earth Observatory / Lauren Dauphin
Water in Lake Powell is at record-low levels and looks like a wide river winding through a light orange desert landscape. The Glen Canyon Dam and the town of Page, Arizona, are visible in the lower left.
Water in Lake Powell is at record-low levels and looks like a wide river winding through a light orange desert landscape. The Glen Canyon Dam and the town of Page, Arizona, are visible in the lower left.
NASA Earth Observatory / Lauren Dauphin
September 1, 2017
September 10, 2026
Lake Powell stood at one of its highest levels in the past decade on September 1, 2017 (left), and at a record low on September 10, 2026, in these images acquired with the OLI (Operational Land Imager) on Landsat 8. NASA Earth Observatory images by Lauren Dauphin.

The effects of a meager mountain snowpack across the Upper Colorado Basin in winter 2025-2026 had made their way downstream to Lake Powell by summer. After seasonal snowmelt declined to a relative trickle, the second-largest reservoir in the U.S. sat at record-low levels in late August and early September.

These images show a portion of Lake Powell just above Glen Canyon Dam as observed by the OLI (Operational Land Imager) on the NASA-USGS Landsat 8 satellite on September 1, 2017 (left), and September 10, 2026 (right). In the 2026 image, the water level stood at 3,517.24 feet. About a month prior, it had dipped below the previous record-low level of 3,519.92 feet, set on April 13, 2023, and continued to tick downward in early September. The 2017 image represents one of the highest water levels of the past decade.

The Colorado River feeds Lake Powell and then Lake Mead farther downstream, which also hit record-low levels in August 2026. Managed by the U.S. Bureau of Reclamation (USBR) and other agencies, the river provides water and electric power to more than 40 million people—including in Las Vegas, Phoenix, Los Angeles, and San Diego—and water to some 5 million acres of farmland in the Southwest.

Much of the Colorado Basin is arid or semi-arid, so a large portion of the river’s flow originates as snowmelt from higher elevations. The Upper Colorado Basin, like many mountainous areas across the U.S. West, saw unusually little snow accumulation in winter 2025-2026, constituting a snow drought. Stretches of record warmth further sapped the snowpack. As a result, water from snowmelt did little to replenish lake levels in spring, as it typically does.

Water levels in Lake Powell have fluctuated but declined overall since 1999 and reached record lows in late August and early September 2026.
The effect of the megadrought in the U.S. Southwest in the 21st century is reflected in Lake Powell’s water level, as measured by the U.S. Bureau of Reclamation. The lake first reached a record low on August 15, 2026, and continued declining through early September. It remained above the minimum power pool elevation of 3,490 feet, below which the dam’s hydroelectric turbines can no longer generate energy effectively.
NASA Earth Observatory/Lauren Dauphin

The USBR took steps in April 2026 to stabilize Lake Powell and keep it from falling below the level needed for hydropower production—an outcome the agency deemed possible by August 2026 without intervention. USBR began releasing water from Flaming Gorge Reservoir in northern Utah and southern Wyoming into Lake Powell. It also reduced releases from Lake Powell into Lake Mead, canceled a “controlled flood” in April intended to build sandbars for fish habitat, and skipped a “cool mix” release in August aimed at protecting native species.

Drought in the U.S. Southwest has been ongoing since about the start of the 21st century—what experts have called a megadrought—and continues to strain water resources. Several projects and tools funded by NASA and powered in part by NASA Earth observations are helping decision-makers throughout the Colorado Basin monitor drought and respond to its effects.

At the Colorado River headwaters, for example, a dashboard based on the Western Land Data Assimilation System (WLDAS) provides real-time soil moisture, snow water equivalent, and evapotranspiration visualizations that inform Colorado’s drought task force, as well as weekly U.S. Drought Monitor maps.

Nearer to Lake Powell, the Drought Severity Evaluation Tool, co-developed with the Navajo Nation, helps leaders monitor localized drought indices, precipitation trends, and vegetation health across tribal lands. (With funding from NOAA’s National Integrated Drought Information System, its adoption expanded to Oklahoma’s Chickasaw and Choctaw Nations in 2025.) And the Colorado River Integrated Assessment tool, developed by Arizona State University researchers in partnership with the Central Arizona Project, consolidates improved modeling and NASA-satellite-validated information on snowpack, surface and groundwater storage, soil moisture, and more across the entire basin into a single interactive view.

NASA Earth Observatory images by Lauren Dauphin, using Landsat data from the U.S. Geological Survey and lake elevation data from the U.S. Bureau of Reclamation. Story by Lindsey Doermann.

References & Resources

You may also be interested in:

Stay up-to-date with the latest content from NASA as we explore the universe and discover more about our home planet.

Rising Waters Swamp Lake Naivasha
6 min read

Relentless rains are threatening a lake in Kenya’s Great Rift Valley that has become a key hub in the global…

Article
Elephant Butte Reservoir Runs Low
3 min read

Drought in the Rio Grande basin contributed to New Mexico’s largest reservoir dwindling to its lowest level in decades.

Article
Low Water at San Carlos Reservoir
4 min read

Drought and water releases drained the Arizona reservoir to levels that have led to widespread fish deaths.

Article

The post Lake Powell Drops to Record-Low Levels appeared first on NASA Science.

Sometimes where Sometimes where


EA Safety

This is going to be one of those rare essays where I feel it is necessary to share some personal history and context for the story to make sense.

Over nearly 20 years of writing online, I have a had a sometimes entertaining, sometimes fraught, but always increasingly asymmetric relationship with the rationalist community, or what I will relabel in this essay the EA formation, for reasons that will become clear. The community began as a personal blog (Overcoming Bias) around the same time as my own now-retired blog (Ribbonfarm), around 2006-07. But where the rationalist scene grew from mere blog to powerhouse institutional landscape with its own gravity field shaping the future of AI (and therefore history), I have remained, for the most part, an individual blogger with no grand ambitions.1

Since the beginning, my readership has overlapped significantly with the community, and I even had several guest contributors on Ribbonfarm (Jacob Falkovich and David Manheim come to mind) from the community. Along the way, I became friends with many of them, including many deep insiders. As their ecosystem grew, being in their intellectual neighborhood meant becoming, to some extent, defined in relation to them. At some point, Scott Alexander put Ribbonfarm in a corner of his map, tagged “postrationalist” and that neighborhood of the blogosphere became known as an intellectual migration destination for people who had either “outgrown” rationalism or harbored curiosities beyond it.2 I too, have placed them on my maps, but that was mostly inconsequential personal amusement, since my writings do not exert a gravitational field capable of reshaping consensus cultural geographies.

From the perspective of the EA formation, to the extent the now-massive landscape is aware of me at all, I believe I am regarded as a sometimes-annoying, sometimes-interesting avuncular (since I’m almost a generation older than them) clown in a postrat box. Mostly harmless and ignorable. The feeling used to be mutual, but now I take them seriously. They’ve become too big and consequential to safely ignore.

My EA-formation friends are friends with footnotes, in the sense that while I like them personally and consider them interesting people with integrity equaling or exceeding my own, I neither agree with their foundational ideas, nor feel compelled to defend either their ideas or personal behaviors/actions.

Friendship with footnotes precludes, by design, public intellectual fealty. Or even an obligation to engage in energetic private debate about differences. My enduring differences with the rationalist world have remained largely unlitigated, beyond some mild, friendly mutual trolling and snarking. Friendship with footnotes, for me, is generally scoped to simply avoid the contentious baggage consigned to the footnote, while retaining the benefits of an interesting relationship.

The rationalist community is not a unique intellectual foil for me that way. This is how I tend to operate generally in relation to all intellectual foils, both individuals and groups.3 Interesting relationships almost require the presence of studiously ignored baggage.

Friends with footnotes are great to have. They keep life interesting, remind you to remain systematically doubtful about your own thinking, and to not put ideas ahead of people. They also keep the natural ambitions of writing (a calling capable of cruelty and poison) in check. Throughout my writing career, whenever personal relationships and friendships (with or without footnotes) have appeared in the potential blast radius of an idea, in general I have erred on the side of not being too public with my opinions. I have contented myself with casual social posting/trolling, and being candid in private conversations when necessary.

But sometimes serious developments unfold and you are forced to think harder at this particular locus of interestingness, of friends-with-footnotes, which is what I’m going to attempt to do in this essay.

I’m going to try and present a fair-minded account of the EA formation and its influence on AI history, as I have watched it evolve. It’s meant for those who believe, like me, that the EA formation is threatening to turn into a second-order problem in its own right, and needs to be checked-and-balanced as its power continues to grow in somewhat alarming ways.

I hope to do so without weighing down my friendship footnotes with too much additional studiously ignored baggage.

The EA Formation

Effective altruism in the narrow sense is only one component of a larger intellectual and institutional formation that now extends through philanthropy, rationalism, longtermism, existential-risk research, AI safety, AI governance and parts of the frontier AI industry. Its boundaries are porous enough that arguments about membership rapidly become scholastic. What matters is not who carries an EA membership card—there is no such thing—but who has been formed by a recognizable complex of ideas and methods and has incorporated them into a philosophy of action.

I will call this larger object the EA formation.

My account of this formation is going to be critical, but not because the formation’s stated objectives are generally malign. Quite the opposite. The interesting problem is how a movement organized around such apparently reasonable propositions as giving effectively, reasoning clearly and preventing catastrophe came to generate such an extraordinary intellectual and behavioral tail—and how the same formation has simultaneously acquired substantial influence over the moral framing of artificial intelligence.

My hypothesis is that these developments have a common cause. The EA formation combines an unusually abstract, formalized, low-empiricism, and totalizing style of moral reasoning with an unusually strong imperative to act on its conclusions. It is good at expressing uncertainty numerically while being remarkably bad at sustaining deeper forms of doubt about the conceptual machinery within which those numbers are generated. Probabilities, confidence intervals, Bayesian updates and elaborate forecasts can produce an impressive surface of epistemic modesty while leaving more fundamental premises remarkably insulated: what counts as value, which futures matter, which problems deserve priority, which forms of evidence are legible, and who is entitled to perform the prioritization.

My old co-blogger (and a different breed of friend-with-footnote) Sarah Perry once parodied their self-serious declarations of systematic doubt/confidence levels with “epistemic status” tags on their writing, with a satirical one that probably describes my own default — “clown on fire, jumping out of an airplane.”

The EA formation is a part of the crooked timber of humanity that seems unaware that it is crooked timber. It might take clowns on fire, jumping out of airplanes, to make them notice.

The resulting intellectual style is fragile precisely where it appears strongest. It is highly practiced at performing felt uncertainty within a model and much less comfortable even acknowledging uncertainty about the model. The first can be represented as 60 percent rather than 80 percent confidence. The second may require admitting that another moral tradition, another discipline, another culture, or merely another form of practical knowledge sees something the framework cannot represent at all.

Genuine pluralism begins where commensuration fails. The EA formation has a persistent tendency to treat such failures as problems awaiting better analysis rather than as reasons to limit the jurisdiction of their preferred analytical mode itself.

This would be a fairly parochial intellectual weakness if the formation were merely another philosophical school. It isn’t. It explicitly exists to alter priorities, careers, institutions and allocations of capital. And increasingly it has turned toward artificial intelligence, where questions that once belonged to an eccentric subculture now concern technologies through which enormous economic and political power will be exercised.

The Theological Dimension

There is also a second reason, besides the worrying fragility of its epistemic machinery, to take the formation seriously. Beneath its aggressively secular and analytical surface lies something structurally closer to theology than its self-description suggests.

AI supplies the formation not merely with a problem but with an eschatology: possible extinction, possible transcendence, an almost unimaginably valuable future, and a narrow historical window during which the actions of a small number of people may determine which world comes into existence. Cause prioritization becomes vocation. Career choice becomes moral commitment. AI alignment becomes a problem of salvation.

This does not mean that EA is secretly a literal religion. It means that it occupies some of the psychological and institutional territory religions have historically occupied while translating that territory into the idiom of secular philosophy, stylized/rhetorical mathematics and a narrow genre of decision theory. It offers meaning, vocation and participation in a cosmic-scale story while allowing participants to experience those commitments as conclusions forced upon them by reason. It is a permission structure that induces a comforting sense of helplessness on foundational matters and an amplified sense of agency on more practical matters.

That combination should make us wary. The European experience after Gutenberg provides a distant but useful analogy. Cheap print did not create religious conviction, but it dramatically increased the ability of doctrinal communities to reproduce, coordinate and fight over totalizing accounts of the world. The Reformation and the wars culminating in the Thirty Years’ War eventually helped produce a different political condition: not the abolition of religion, but institutions capable of containing rival totalizing doctrines without allowing any one of them to monopolize public authority. Particularly public moral authority.

AI may require an analogous settlement for secular moral formations.

And there is a useful irony here. The EA formation came into its present shape substantially by trying to solve an idiosyncratically posed version of AI safety. Its success has now created a second-order problem: EA safety. The first problem explores how to govern a powerful new technology. The second must explore how to constrain a human formation increasingly convinced it, and it alone, knows how the first should be solved.

A “Vision of the Anointed” problem, to borrow the title of Thomas Sowell’s famous book, which could be fairly charged with “self-congratulation as a basis of public policy,” to borrow the subtitle. The EA formation is not quite there yet, but it’s getting there.

As the old joke goes, now we have two problems.

Three genealogies and a dominant strand

The EA formation has at least three distinguishable ancestral strands. The first is evidence-driven philanthropy, most clearly represented by GiveWell. Its proposition is both modest and powerful: if you intend to help people, examine the evidence and direct resources toward interventions that actually help more.

The second is the consequentialist philosophical lineage running through Peter Singer, Toby Ord, William MacAskill, Giving What We Can, 80,000 Hours and the institutions surrounding them. Here the scope expands. Evidence no longer merely tells us which charity works better. Systematic moral reasoning is applied to donations, consumption, career choice and eventually the organization of an entire life.

The third is the rationalist, transhumanist, existential-risk and AI-risk complex associated with LessWrong, Yudkowsky, MIRI, Bostrom and FHI, with CFAR and numerous later organizations occupying positions around it.

These three traditions have independent origins, but their entanglement is old. The first EA Summit in 2013 already brought organizations from empirical philanthropy, EA, rationalism and AI risk into the same space.

Over time, the third strand supplied the others with something they lacked: astronomical stakes.

Once future people enter the moral calculus, the potential quantity of value becomes enormous. Once existential risk enters, preserving that future becomes correspondingly important. Once transformative AI becomes a plausible source of existential risk, work on AI can dominate ordinary philanthropic considerations. EA’s own presentation of longtermism acknowledges the difficulty: evidence about the distant future is necessarily weaker, and expected-value reasoning involving sufficiently large outcomes can appear reckless when small probabilities drive the conclusion.

This is why I treat concern with AI not merely as one EA cause among many but as a rough indicator of depth of engagement within the contemporary formation. Global health and animal welfare remain substantial activities, so it would be false to say EA simply is AI safety. But the intellectual machinery of longtermism and x-risk has a gravitational structure. If the expected future is large enough and AI plausibly determines its existence or character, other causes become difficult to defend as priorities except by rejecting some part of the machinery.

That is what I mean by one genealogy increasingly capturing the formation. It need not capture every dollar or every adherent. It captures the commanding heights of the argument.

And this formation is explicitly designed to reproduce itself. Giving organizations redirect money. 80,000 Hours redirects careers. Fellowships teach frameworks for prioritizing causes (rife with motivated biases and baked-in conclusions). Funds seed organizations and research programs.

To be clear, there is nothing sinister about this. This is how ambitious movements normally attempt to grow. But it matters when evaluating influence. The formation should be assessed not merely by the propositions in its canonical essays but by the kinds of people, institutions and philosophies of action its machinery produces, and what they actually do.

That is the EA-safety problem in embryo: can this machinery remain a useful component of a collective, pluralist response to AI without making its own theory of the response a runaway, sovereign, and totalizing historical dynamic?

The formation and its extreme tail

The scatterplot below attempts to represent that machinery and its outputs. Its coordinates are judgments, not measurements, and the point is the topology rather than decimal precision.

The horizontal axis is depth of engagement, and correlates strong with concern with AI safety as the dominant concerns. It does not mean formal membership. It measures the extent to which the formation’s characteristic ideas have been consciously consumed and incorporated into a philosophy of action. This matters because intellectual influence is broader than institutional affiliation but narrower than casual exposure.

The vertical axis is outlier tendency. Here it is especially important not to smuggle a moral judgment into a geometric one. Low scores represent fairly conventional philanthropic, intellectual and professional behavior. Higher scores represent increasingly unusual departures from ordinary intellectual or social norms. But there are two fundamentally different ways of moving upward.

The first is philosophical radicalism. Yudkowsky, Bostrom, MIRI, Robin Hanson, Brian Tomasik and David Pearce belong in this category to differing degrees because they entertain conclusions far outside ordinary moral and political thought. This is not an accusation of misconduct. Pearce’s abolitionist project, for example, contemplates technologically eliminating suffering from sentient life. Bostrom’s work leads through simulation arguments, astronomical waste and superintelligence. Yudkowsky reaches extraordinarily strong conclusions about AI catastrophe. Whatever one thinks of these ideas, unusual philosophy is not concerning deviant behavior.

The separate radical-philosophy envelope is therefore essential. Without it, the graph would encourage precisely the inference I want to discourage: that thinking strange thoughts belongs on a continuum with committing fraud or murder. The world always needs people thinking strange thoughts.

The concerning-deviancy envelope means something narrower. It contains cases where unusual philosophies of action intersect with documented criminality, violence, or reported high-control and cult-like social dynamics: Bankman-Fried and FTX, Leverage and Geoff Anders, Black Lotus and Brent Dill, and the Zizian milieu and related violent cases. Luigi Mangione appears as an accused and comparatively downstream case rather than an EA insider. These cases should not be treated as equivalent, and the graph does not claim that the formation independently caused any of them.

But neither should they simply be discarded as unrelated anecdotes.

Here, I can cop to perhaps a smidgen of complicity in this sort of radical media influence on concerning deviance. There seems to be documented evidence of the Zizian milieu, apparently, being influenced by my own satirical writing on sociopathy in organizations (The Gervais Principle). That little detail in the reporting bothered me enough that when I built a RAG chatbot based on my archives, I put in guardrails to avoid or deflect questions seeking advice on “how to be a sociopath” (a genre of rather hapless email solicitations for advice that I have to occasionally field, but never suspected would feed the motivations of murderous behaviors).

The question here is why a relatively small intellectual ecology seems repeatedly to generate episodes of concerning deviancy. The standard defense—that millions of ordinary communities contain criminals, cults and unstable people—is necessary but insufficient. The relevant denominator is not “people who have heard of effective altruism.” It is adversely-selected people who deeply consume a body of thought explicitly designed to reconstruct priorities and induce consequential action.

The case of Roko’s Basilisk is useful because it isolates the mechanism without requiring a criminal or cult. It is just an argument—or attempted argument. Yet it generated the extraordinary possibility that merely encountering an idea about a hypothetical future superintelligence could place the reader under a peculiar decision-theoretic threat. The episode sits on the boundary of philosophical radicalism and concerning deviancy because it reveals how readily a sufficiently abstract system of reasoning, unmoored from empiricist discipline, can begin colonizing the behavior of the reasoner.

This is more than merely the high-variance influence of a set of ideas of protean ideas. The problem may be a recurrent extremizing mechanism. In miniature, it even resembles the alignment failure the formation fears: an optimizer armed with an abstract objective begins treating whatever resists the objective as error.

The formation encourages abstraction away from ordinary context. It encourages explicit optimization and ignoring of illegible things. It teaches reflexive suspicion toward, and quick dismissal of, intuitive objections. It encourages taking ideas seriously enough to follow them wherever they lead. It supplies fragile and stylized mathematical tools for rendering incompatible goods apparently commensurable. And its longtermist wing supplies stakes so large that almost any ordinary consideration can be trivially rendered negligible by comparison.

Most importantly, it mistakes one particular kind of uncertainty, further reduced to stylized risk estimates, for all kinds of not-knowing, to deploy a useful distinction developed by .

An EA-style reasoner can attach a probability to AI extinction, perform sensitivity analyses, debate priors, forecast timelines and revise a credence from 35 percent to 22 percent. This can be genuine epistemic work. But none of it necessarily creates doubt about the totalizing structure that says the future should be represented this way in the first place.

The numerical uncertainty can therefore function as a kind of epistemic shock absorber. The reasoner appears exquisitely uncertain while remaining astonishingly certain that the correct activity is to construct the calculation.

That is why pluralism matters. True pluralism is not adding another term to the utility function for “other perspectives.” It is accepting that other traditions may possess ways of knowing and not-knowing that cannot be losslessly translated into your framework, that conflicting goods may remain genuinely conflicting, and that no community earns jurisdiction over everybody else’s moral reasoning merely by being unusually articulate about its own. That sometimes the right way to deal with visceral doubt is to assign the benefit of the doubt to someone other than yourself, who thinks very differently.

The formation’s most dangerous temptation is consequently not irrationality lurking behind stylized rationality. It is premature foreclosure of entire futures and arguments, disguised as rigorously arrived-at decisions.

Its theological character reinforces the tendency. Longtermism supplies something structurally analogous to an afterlife of almost unlimited value, smuggling Pascal’s wager styles of reasoning where they do not belong. Existential risk supplies apocalypse. AI supplies both potential destroyer and potential vehicle of transcendence. Alignment supplies a salvation problem. The tiny population alive near the advent of transformative AI occupies an extraordinarily privileged place in history. And those who correctly understand the problem acquire an intercessory vocation whose significance dwarfs the ordinary concerns of the laity.

None of this demonstrates that the underlying AI risks are imaginary. A theology can contain true propositions; a secular eschatology can anticipate a real looming catastrophe. The danger lies elsewhere. A system that combines cosmic stakes, privileged knowledge, personal vocation, and an imperative to act, has a familiar capacity to license extraordinary behavior when ordinary constraints conflict with the mission.

The radical and deviant tails of the scatterplot should therefore be read not as embarrassing debris around an otherwise unrelated center but as stress tests of the formation’s epistemology. They reveal what can happen when its methods operate with fewer external constraints, checks, and balances.

From subculture to institutional power

If that were the whole story, this essay would be merely an anthropology of an unusual subculture. The triangle below explains why it is now more consequential.

Its three vertices are EA formation, frontier AI leadership, and foundational technical contribution. The map makes one fact immediately clear: EA neither invented modern AI nor controls it. Hinton, LeCun, Bengio, Vaswani, Shazeer, Goodfellow and many other foundational technical figures come from other traditions. The Chinese AI ecosystem makes the point even more forcefully: DeepSeek, Qwen, Moonshot, Zhipu, MiniMax, Seed and Hunyuan constitute a large counterexample to any story in which the EA formation is somehow intrinsic to advanced AI.

The interesting feature is instead the bridge running from the top vertex into the Western AI institutional landscape.

AI safety transformed an eccentric philosophical concern into a professional field. Philanthropic capital funded research, organizations, field-building, fellowships and governance work. The formation built career pipelines into it. This is real institutional power, even if it is not monopoly.

And here the two safety problems meet. AI safety asks who governs the machine. EA safety asks who governs one increasingly influential and unaccountable set of would-be governors.

But that second question immediately generalizes: who governs the governors?

EA is hardly the only totalizing doctrine circling AI, though it is clearly the most mature and well-prepared (and armed, and funded) one. E/acc supplies a rival techno-optimist teleology in which acceleration itself acquires moral force. Progressive approaches foreground concentrations of economic power, labor, inequality, discrimination and democratic accountability; contemporary versions explicitly frame AI governance around competition, redistribution and regulation. Musk and other figures on the political and technological right bring their own accounts of civilizational flourishing, nationalism, freedom, truth and technological power. And Chinese AI governance is developing from a very different political and philosophical ecology, including state-centered priorities, social stability, developmental goals and strands of Confucian-inflected thinking—though scholarship cautions against treating it as philosophically monolithic.

Any of these can become dangerous if it wins the right to define the problem and the answer for all.

The important feature is not that the EA formation controls the AI ecosystem. It plainly does not, at least not yet. Much of the technical foundation of contemporary AI was produced outside it, and much of frontier institutional power remains outside it. The China-based population makes this particularly vivid. The history of modern AI does not require EA intellectual ancestry to make sense, but it future might.

What is striking is the density of bridges between the top of the triangle and the other two vertices. AI safety created a pathway by which what began as a comparatively small philosophical and philanthropic formation acquired relevance to one of the world’s most capital-intensive and strategically important technologies. People and institutions shaped by the formation moved into technical alignment research, evaluation, governance, frontier laboratories and the intellectual environment surrounding those laboratories. At the same time, people originating in mainstream technical AI moved toward existential-risk concerns and entered into sustained conversation with the formation.

The diagram therefore helps distinguish influence from dominance. EA did not invent neural networks, transformers or scaling. Nor does it command the global AI industry. Its influence is disproportionate in a different sense: it developed a language for interpreting what increasingly powerful AI means, what risks should dominate attention, what careers morally matter, and what obligations follow from beliefs about the future. That language has traveled remarkably far from its origins in philanthropy.

The position of Dwarkesh Patel illustrates another boundary. He is deeply immersed in conversations involving frontier AI, rationalism and existential risk, but that does not make him a product of the EA formation in the same sense as Yudkowsky, MacAskill or Bostrom. He therefore sits much closer to the leadership–technical edge. Conversely, Singer belongs inside the conventional-EA region of the first figure because he is genealogically important to the formation, but does not appear in the triangle because his importance to AI itself is marginal. The two diagrams are intentionally illustrating different things.

This distinction also prevents the concerning tail of the first diagram from distorting the second. Ziz, Mangione, Bankman-Fried and Leverage do not belong on a map of consequential actors in modern AI merely because they matter to an argument about the EA formation’s failure modes. The triangle is not a rogues’ gallery or a map of ideological culpability. It is an attempt to show where a particular intellectual formation intersects a technological power structure.

And that intersection is the reason the formation deserves scrutiny beyond the amount warranted by its raw population.

A philosophical subculture can tolerate a great deal of eccentricity when the consequences are confined to blogs, seminars and intentional communities. A philanthropy movement can tolerate a certain amount of intellectual overreach when the primary consequences are allocations among charities. The situation changes when the same intellectual machinery becomes entangled with organizations spending billions of dollars, decisions about the deployment of increasingly capable AI systems, proposals for national and international regulation, and arguments about risks framed in civilizational terms.

The question raised by the scatterplot therefore becomes more consequential when viewed through the triangle. If the formation really does possess an extremizing tendency—producing both disciplined altruistic action and unusually totalizing philosophies of action—then its migration into AI matters independently of whether one accepts its strongest claims about AI risk.

After the wars of religion

There is a tempting but unhelpful way to tell this story in which effective altruism begins innocently with mosquito nets and somehow degenerates into AI doom, cults, fraud and violence. The genealogy does not support such a simple morality play. The strands were entangled early; at least a few of the supposedly strange ideas have serious intellectual pedigrees; the most disturbing cases of concerning deviancy have numerous causes besides EA or rationalism; and much of the formation continues to produce work that is conventionally unproblematic, empirically disciplined, and useful.

There is an equally tempting apologetic story in which the disturbing cases are simply irrelevant aberrations. That conclusion is also hard to defend. EA and rationalism are unusually explicit about wanting ideas to change behavior. They teach methods intended to overcome default intuitions, redirect careers and resources, identify neglected priorities and induce people to act on conclusions that ordinary social reasoning might resist. It would be peculiar to credit this machinery when somebody redirects a career toward malaria prevention or useful technical work on AI safety but declare the machinery analytically irrelevant whenever somebody follows an unusual chain of reasoning somewhere less desirable.

The more neutral interpretation is that the EA formation constitutes a distinctive experiment in high-agency applied philosophy, with few skeptical guardrails. It tries to shorten the distance between abstract reasoning and consequential action, and in the best tradition of Silicon Valley, enjoys the Great Game of acquiring and exercising power.

At its best, that can mean asking an uncomfortable but answerable question about where a dollar saves the most lives, discovering an answer, and actually moving the dollar. At greater levels of abstraction it can mean asking what determines the value of the entire future, constructing a model of existential risk, and reorganizing institutions and careers around an essentially theological answer.

That is an impressive capability. It is also a capability for which failure modes matter.

The two diagrams suggest that these failure modes should be studied without collapsing several distinct phenomena into one. Radical philosophy is not concerning deviant behavior. Intellectual influence is not institutional membership. Association is not causation. A criminal influenced by a philosophy does not make the philosophy criminal, any more than a beneficial act inspired by it proves the philosophy correct. Meaning-seeking is not necessarily wild teleological solipsism. But all these distinctions serve to make the failure modes more consequential, not less. The EA formation is not an easily dismissable caricature of what it could be (and often becomes, in the eyes of harsher critics).

In addition, the enormous AI ecosystem contains technical, intellectual, and institutional traditions that developed independently of EA, and possess an inertia that provides a great deal of natural resistance. But I suspect it is not enough.

What has changed is the scale of the stakes. The EA formation has grown from a comparatively obscure intersection of moral philosophy, philanthropy, rationalism and futurism into an intellectual network with substantial connections to the institutions shaping advanced artificial intelligence. Its influence remains uneven and is easy to exaggerate, particularly outside the Western AI ecosystem. But where it exists, it takes on deep questions in exceptionally fragile and overconfident ways: which problems deserve attention, which futures have value, which risks justify extraordinary action, which intuitions should be distrusted, and how decisively a person should act on the conclusions of abstract reasoning.

The charitable interpretation and the critical interpretation therefore converge on the same underlying fact. The EA formation is unusually serious about converting beliefs into action. The charitable case is that this seriousness allows people to escape complacency and do considerably more good than conventional and lazy moral habits would produce. The critical case is that the same seriousness can amplify errors, especially when empirical feedback weakens, while the imagined stakes increase.

The scatterplot poses the question internally: what distribution of philosophies and behaviors does this machinery produce? The triangle poses it externally: where has this machinery acquired leverage in the world?

Together they pose the EA-safety problem. But EA safety is only the first named instance of a more general emerging problem: moral-monopoly safety.

The answer is not to try to eliminate the EA formation. Nor is it to “defeat” EA only to install unbridled e/acc, a progressive orthodoxy, a Muskian one, a Chinese state philosophy, or some future totalizing doctrine in its place. The lesson is precisely the opposite. No faction should get to settle the moral meaning of AI for everyone else, or act unilaterally and pre-emptively to foreclose particular futures for all.

Properly contained within a pluralistic ecology, EA could function rather like a useful immune response: unusually sensitive to certain tail risks, capable of mobilizing attention around neglected dangers, and willing to pursue implications other traditions ignore. The danger begins when an immune system starts mistaking the organism for an obstacle to its mission. Then protection becomes autoimmune disease. A formation designed to cure one problem can metastasize into another.

The analogy should not be mistaken for a diagnosis. The EA formation is not a cancer. The warning is about an emerging institutional trajectory: a cure that seeks jurisdiction over the whole organism eventually becomes a different kind of disease.

That is why the so-called “alignment” problem ultimately points back at us. AI may need alignment. So does EA. So does e/acc. So do progressive AI ethics, right-wing techno-politics, corporate governance regimes and Chinese approaches to AI. None can be permitted to perform its own alignment and declare the problem solved.

Universities, governments, frontier laboratories, philanthropies and standards bodies should therefore cultivate deliberately heterogeneous moral and intellectual ecosystems. Funding should not quietly collapse around one donor network or ideological constituency. “Independent” oversight should be genuinely independent in genealogy as well as corporate affiliation. Rival traditions should retain enough institutional power to expose one another’s blind spots.

Most importantly, society should refuse to outsource moral responsibility to any class of people who claim a special intercessory competence and authority to calculate, accelerate, democratize, liberate, harmonize or otherwise determine the “correct” future.

That is the lesson of pluralism after the wars of religion. A totalizing doctrine may be profound, useful and even correct about specific matters, while still being an inappropriate sovereign or regulatory monopoly.

The answer to its excesses is neither persecution nor acquiescence. It is containment within a larger order whose legitimacy does not depend upon the premises of any particular doctrine’s premises.

AI safety is a real problem. EA safety now makes it two problems. But the deeper problem is keeping the governance of AI itself safe from all attempts at establishing moral monopolies.

The EA formation has earned a seat at the table. So have many critics and competitors. And many emerging formations and actors will earn seats in the near future. Nobody gets to dominate the table itself.

1

Even though in my middle age, I find myself involved in one modest institution-building effort, the Protocol Institute. Opinions here are entirely my own though.

2

“Postrat” itself became a distinct ideology with Ribbonfarm as an associated landmark (more associated with Sarah Perry than me; I have always consistently distanced myself from it). That scene has now evolved into TPOT, a half-generation younger and entirely distinct.

3

The style has strengths and weaknesses. The strength is that you become hard to pin down (or equivalently, come across as standing for nothing in particular). The weakness is that you tend to route around points of conflict rather than engage with them. I’ve collaborated extensively with Marc Andreessen and continue to maintain cordial relations with him, but there’s definitely been a footnote there since his rightward drift. Sarah Perry was a long-time contributor to Ribbonfarm, and remains a friend I chat with, but there’s definitely a footnote there as well, since she’s associated with the NRx movement. I have many far-left progressive friends — all with footnotes. Perhaps the only group I have no friends-with-footnotes in is the American far right.

If Democrats Take Back the House, They Should Impeach Hegseth, Kennedy, and Vought

They really should. Probably Burgum too*. Yesterday, House Republicans decided to close the House and cancel all votes until after the election because they wanted to avoid an impeachment vote of Defense Secretary and white Christian supremacist Pete Hegseth. When it comes to impeaching Trump, it’s highly unlikely, even if Democrats rout Republicans in the midterms, that enough Republicans would be willing to break with Trump (though one never knows).

But Hegseth, HHS Secretary Kennedy, and OMB Director Vought are not popular, nor do they have the heft with the Republican base that Trump currently does. Importantly, given Trump’s ongoing failures, Republicans will be looking for scapegoats. While their impeachment convictions wouldn’t be certain, they have violated the constitution and the law in plain sight, and have made horrible policy decisions. There’s no way for them to hide any of this either. This wouldn’t be just an attempt to highlight how awful Republicans are, it actually might remove some of them, either through actual impeachment, or pressure to resign.

Here’s to hoping Democrats actually want to force the issue(s).

*The Kennedy Center crap alone makes Burgum very unpopular. If nothing else, Democrats also should pass legislation to reorganize how the Kennedy Center is governed, and force Republicans to vote on this too.

Links 9/17/26

Links for you. Science:

An Armadillo Arrives in … Ohio? Traditionally found in warm climates, like the American Southwest, armadillos have been migrating farther and farther north, researchers say.
NSF memo implementing Trump’s ‘golden age’ of science unsettles researchers
Researchers Challenge NIH Screening of Grants for Disfavored Viewpoints
NASA rushed engineers out of their labs. They say it risks future space missions
RFK Jr. headlines sold-out anti-vaccine conference alongside Andrew Wakefield
New lawsuit accuses Trump administration of blocking NIH grants as form of censorship
COVID hospitalizations are on the rise in NYC. Here’s how to protect yourself.

Other:

The G.O.P. Has Gone Off the Deep End. The Republican Party has a neo-Nazi problem.
The System Is Rigged. The Cavalry Is Not Coming. We’re on Our Own.
GOP Mad at Candidate For Doing Xenophobia The Wrong Way
This Texas Nominee Keeps Peddling Fascist Conspiracy Theories. State GOP Leaders Are Silent.
AI Doomsday Panic Is Completely Out Of Control. The press obsession with software-powered doomsday is a misdirection overshadowing a much deadlier reality: our public interest regulators no longer function.
AI Is Going To Kill Us All, Say People Trying To Sell Us On AI (“Maybe I’m old-fashioned, but in my day, when a 27-year-old posted a bunch of crazy shit online after quitting a job he had been at for exactly four months, we called that “a breakdown.””)
alt.time-capsule.reopened: A new tool for digging into Usenet history holds much potential for researchers. But it’s also a reminder that many users thought, at the time, that it was ephemeral. (They were wrong.)
Is METR A Meaningful Check On Anthropic? No.
The Real Reason Obama’s Harsh Warning to Dems About AI Is So Unnerving
Yale’s President Has Become a Shameful Collaborator With Trump
UT students attacked by Bo French call his comments “disgusting” and too familiar
There’s a 100% Chance AI Agents Are Already Ruining the Internet
ICE is quietly firing new hires. For one recruit, it was devastating. Joseph Moore killed himself after learning ICE was going to fire him. Investigators had identified issues in his past that ex-officials say should have blocked his hiring.
Let’s Celebrate the Supreme Court Not Outright Rigging the 2026 Election
The Trust Trap: What do Jeff Bezos, Bari Weiss, and RFK Jr. have in common?
Ohio Senate campaign staffer used Nazi soldiers as profile photo. Jon Husted’s campaign, after being contacted by The Post, said it would part ways with the political director. (political director isn’t just some random position, it’s an important one)
A Day in the Life of a New Yorker, According to My Fox News-Watching Florida Family Members
EPA Will Test Drinking Water for Abortion Pills & Contraception. The federal agency just caved to years of anti-abortion pressure
Two Landlords Will Pay $9.3 Million in RealPage Price-Fixing Scheme
Why Democrats’ Texas Lead Probably Isn’t A Mirage. I may regret writing this in two months. But Ken Paxton isn’t the kind of candidate voters get shy about, then forgive; he’s the kind they can’t come home to.
Trump approval up from record low, but outlook sours for Republicans, Reuters/Ipsos poll finds
Missouri’s secretary of state is one corrupt character
Microsoft ordered nearly $2.5M fine for air pollution from Northern Virginia data center
Susan Collins shows she’s no moderate
Former Verizon HQ In Dupont Breaks Ground on Its Path to 209 Apartments
MAGA Is Making the World Safe for Corruption
Trump Spirals as Supreme Court Strikes Down Limits on Mail-In Voting
’60 Minutes’ premiere crashes and burns under Bari Weiss
Moms for Liberty influence grew after COVID. Why have so many SC chapters closed?
Council overturns Elrich’s veto of planning board member

How Candidates Could Use AI for Good

This essay was written with Nathan E. Sanders, and originally appeared in The Guardian.

There are plenty of signs that AI will make all of our experiences of the US midterm elections worse. Voters have anxiety about AI’s impacts on the country. Politicos are using AI deepfakes to spread lies. The White House is posting slopaganda.

Meanwhile, candidates are missing a real opportunity to use AI to make campaigning better. The technology can help candidates listen more deeply to voters’ concerns, engage constituents more inclusively, and formulate policy platforms that are more responsive to our input. There are vanishingly few examples of this in US politics, but groups in Japan, Scotland and the US’s own academic and private institutions show how that could change.

The problem with American campaigns’ current use of AI is that it’s not very different from the web ads of 30 years ago, or television ads before that: they are all about inundating voters with the candidate’s message. This one-to-many broadcasting is an uninspiring way to campaign, but not the only way. AI can help candidates connect one-to-one with as many people as possible. Or it can facilitate many-to-many connections, engaging voters in deliberation about issues at scale.

One of the most promising applications of AI being developed by pro-democracy innovators around the world is broad listening. These tools can collect public input in a format much richer than checkboxes on a survey form.

For example, the newly founded Japanese political party Team Mirai has built a foundation for eliciting public input from voters at scale, in depth, and across the breadth of legislative policy issues. It has developed an AI interviewer to cultivate constituent input on policy. Through extended conversations with this chatbot, voters explore and share their perspectives on specific policy issues. And the party has scaled this across a wide array of policy issues by integrating this functionality with an AI-powered portal for exploring bills.

Team Mirai describes itself as a “utility party”, developing tools for any Japanese political party to use to connect with voters. You might question whether Americans would willingly talk to a political AI. So far, Japanese voters have exchanged more than 300,000 messages across 16,000 AI interviews. Team Mirai grew adoption by providing a real incentive to engage: that talking to their AI interviewer does more than just posting on a platform such as Twitter/X or, equivalently, shouting into a void. Users see evidence that the party is actually listening and might take action on their behalf.

Team Mirai party members have directly cited AI interviews from constituents during legislative committee hearings, published a synthesis of that input back for voters, and even amended their policy platform based on user input. The party has rapidly risen to win 12 seats in the Diet, and is explicitly following in the footsteps of the civic hackers in Taiwan’s “gov zero” movement, who won political influence in their fight for transparency.

Other civic technologists are developing AI tools for scaling many-to-many conversations. CrownShy, a company funded in part by the Scottish government, is building a platform to bring the Platonic ideal of the town hall debate into the digital age. Their Comhairle tool integrates AI interviewing tools like the ones described above with software for synthesizing diverse viewpoints, holding virtual assemblies, and sharing video testimonials to help legislatures—or campaigners—organize digital consultations of their constituents en masse.

One thing the AI-powered software of Team Mirai and CrownShy have in common is that they are open-source, meant for anyone to use. Even though they are projects funded by political parties—the upstart party in Japan and the ruling party in Scotland—they are built to make democratic processes better, not necessarily for partisan political advantage.

For interested candidates, there is a wealth of tools available, many of them US-grown. The Stanford-affiliated deliberation.io uses AI to facilitate structured dialogues among thousands of participants and has been piloted for public listening sessions by the city of Washington DC. The MIT-affiliated Cortico project provides tools that surface under-heard community perspectives from recorded conversations, and is now organizing listening sessions at libraries across the country. The US non-profit-built Talk to the City uses AI to analyze large datasets of stakeholder input. The US startup Remesh has a commercial offering that uses AI to generate recommendations from dialogue, which has been tested in policy development scenarios.

There is a long and proud tradition of this sort of “civic technology” in the United States. Two decades ago, the spirit of innovation to develop software for better politics and civic engagement was so strong in organizations like Code for America and the Obama 2008 campaign that Congress funded a new executive agency to bring these ideas to government: the US Digital Service. (The Trump administration repurposed the USDS to become the US Doge Service in 2025.)

One signal that candidates and political parties may start adopting these kinds of tools came this spring from Higher Ground Labs. The Democratic-aligned campaign tech investment firm launched a new fund targeting, in part, “AI-Native Campaign Systems” and “community-Led Messaging Platforms that surface authentic, bottom-up insights from real conversations”.

AI is a multifaceted issue that deserves to be on the table in the midterms. So far, the powerful force of polarization in US politics seems to be separating the parties into the AI skeptics versus the AI boosters. We urge both voters and politicians to separate the technology of AI from its profiteers. We want big tech money out of politics, holding the AI companies accountable for the harm their models cause, taxing their revenues, and maybe even nationalizing them if the AI bubble bursts.

But we also think congressional candidates in the US midterms seeking authentic connection with voters, and seeking to differentiate themselves from their opponents, should be looking to use AI responsibly in their campaigning. The broad listening and deliberation tools pioneered by others around the world could make US politics more transparent, responsive and community-driven. The impact of AI on campaigning doesn’t have to be all bad.

datasette 0.65.5

Release: datasette 0.65.5

Security fix for an issue where a trailing newline in a requested table name could bypass table permissions and expose private rows, reported by dpfkdlemtp in GHSA-h547-rmjf-5m2m.

Tags: security, datasette

Claude Cowork and chat are now one Claude

Claude Cowork and chat are now one Claude

In hopefully good news for anyone who, like me, was increasingly confused at Cowork v.s. Claude v.s. Claude Code:

Starting today, Claude Cowork and chat are merging into one Claude. Bring a quick question, or hand over a report due at noon, and Claude takes it from there, even after you’ve closed your laptop. [...]

This is rolling out to Pro and Max plans first, in the Claude app on web, desktop, and mobile over the coming weeks to existing and new users on these plans.

I guess this means Claude is becoming a general agent in its own right. Echoes of OpenAI renaming their Codex desktop app to ChatGPT a few weeks ago.

On the one hand, this saves me some work, in that I was planning to finally figure out the boundaries between Cowork and regular Claude and write a follow-up to my piece on Understanding ChatGPT Work.

I have a hunch that figuring out what this actually means in terms of features and surfaces is still going to take quite a bit of work.

Via Hacker News

Tags: ai, generative-ai, llms, anthropic, claude, general-agents

Solar Energy's Second Act — EP 88 Joel Jean

As a woo-woo Californian woman, I’m an appreciator of crystals and the healing properties of sunlight. It turns out I have a lot in common with this week’s guest.

In this episode, Ashlee sits down with Joel Jean, CEO of Swift Solar, a San Carlos-based startup trying to create new solar technology using synthetic perovskite. We previously published a story about Swift, if you’re wondering what the fuck perovskite is! In short, it’s a crystal that turns sunlight into electricity better and cheaper than the silicon currently used in solar panels. This stuff is finicky though, and experts have doubts, as they always do — but Jean explains how Swift is closing in on a solution.

“Everyone and their mom can make a perovskite that’s decently efficient,” Jean says, but no one seems capable of making it as durable as silicon. The material degrades under heat, light and its own moving ions. This is obviously not the ideal situation for solar panels that sit outside for decades.

So why not stick with silicon? Well, the laws of physics haven’t quite blessed it. A silicon panel can turn, at most, about 30 percent of the sunlight it gets into electricity, and today’s panels usually churn out about 25 percent. If they’re able to successfully layer perovskite on top, that pushes the ceiling to 45 percent.

These are fabulous gains in the solar nerd world, and we could really use some innovation here because we are one very, very energy-hungry species. And of course, this is Core Memory, so you know where this is headed: China and AI.

China makes 90 percent of the world’s solar cells and wafers, installs more panels than the rest of the planet combined, and builds the machines that nearly every U.S. solar factory runs on. (Except for Swift, apparently!). That dependency is, as always, a risk.

Meanwhile, AI data centers need more power than God, and the folks making models are happy to welcome any new gains in that department. Some are even putting their money on it; renowned AI researcher Jeff Dean has invested Swift.

Charge your crystals, folks. We’re perovskite-maxxing.

IN THIS EPISODE

This Is The U.S.’s Last Chance At Solar — Core Memory
Swift Solar
Meyer Burger acquisition
Joel's "solar for AGI" piece

OUR SPONSORS

BREX

The Core Memory podcast is sponsored by Brex, the intelligent finance platform built to help companies spend smarter and move faster.

We run on Brex and so should you. Learn more about Brex right here.

SENDCUTSEND

You know who else makes stuff for America? That would be SendCutSend. If you want to celebrate our great nation by building a metal part, then head on over to SendCutSend where you’ll get a 15 percent discount thanks to Core Memory on whatever you’re trying to build. We believe in you.

TIMESTAMPS

00:00 — Intro
04:56 — How The U.S. Lost Solar
12:36 — Maxed-Out Physics
20:03 — How China Won
27:53 — What Is Perovskite?
36:52 — The 30-Year Problem
45:41 — China's Scale-First Bet
51:00 — The Meyer Burger Deal
58:50 — Can Solar Power AI?
1:09:43 — Patents, China And The Machines
1:22:15 — Solar For AGI

Fuels and our Money

Quick post. Never mind crude oil. Look at those pump prices! Changes over past year, in dollars per barrel (42 gallons):

The global economy has been remarkably resilient so far. But are there limits?

Anyway, I’m about to catch a train.

Watch Me Live (Or probably not)

https://www.ecb.europa.eu/press/conferences/html/20260916_11th_ecb_annual_research_conference.en.html

datasette 1.0a40

Release: datasette 1.0a40

Same security fix as 0.65.5, plus some neat new features and bug fixes:

  • Plugins can now launch and manage background tasks using the new datasette.add_background_task() method. Thanks, Alex Garcia.
  • I've migrated Datasette to httpx2 for features like the internal datasette.client.get() method.
  • A whole lot of bug fixes, many of them stemming from a recent effort to triage issues for a 1.0 stable release.

Tags: security, datasette

Why Do U.S. Models of the iPhone 18 Pro Max, and Only U.S. Models of the 18 Pro Max, Use Qualcomm Cellular Modems Instead of Apple’s Own Superior C2 Modem?

Joe Rossignol at MacRumors over the weekend:

Apple now says the iPhone 18 Pro has a C2 modem worldwide, while the iPhone 18 Pro Max uses the chip in every country except for the U.S. [...]

Apple has yet to provide an explanation for this modem difference, so we can only speculate for now. In 2023, Qualcomm announced that it would supply Apple with smartphone modems through 2026, so perhaps Apple is equipping the U.S. version of the iPhone 18 Pro Max with a Qualcomm modem in order to honor this agreement in a minimum way.

Apple’s C2 modem supports ultra-fast mmWave 5G in the U.S., unlike its previous-generation C1 and C1X modems. Qualcomm modems in the iPhone 12 and newer already supported mmWave 5G in the U.S., so Apple is playing catch up here. Apple said the C2 delivers “meaningfully faster uploads” compared to the C1X while consuming 15% less energy.

I’d say Apple played catch-up here, past tense. They caught up in terms of support for mmWave. And ever since the C1 first shipped with the iPhone 16e in early 2025, Apple has been noticeably ahead of Qualcomm on energy efficiency.

Apple isn’t explaining why the U.S. iPhone 18 Pro Max models are the only 18 Pro models worldwide using Qualcomm modems, but I think Rossignol’s explanation must basically be it: they needed to use it in some models in order to minimally comply with their 2023 contract with Qualcomm.

 ★ 

Xcode 27.2 Is Out, but 27.1 Is Not, Which Means Developers Still Can’t Get Started on Duo-Adapted Apps

A note flagged “Important” atop the Xcode 27.2 release notes:

The iOS SDK and simulator support for iPhone Duo will be available later this month in an upcoming release of Xcode 27.1.

Adapting apps for the Duo is not just a simple “recompile with the new SDK”. It’s different. For just about all apps it’s going to be a significant amount of work, and for some apps it’s going to be a lot of work. But without Xcode 27.1, developers cannot get started. Developers wanted this SDK a week ago. And when day one preorder buyers start using their Duos on October 23, they’re going to wish Apple had shipped this SDK last week too.

 ★ 

Is That a Duo in Ternus’s Pocket or Was He Just Happy That Apple TV Shows Won 28 Emmys?

Note the reaction from the Deadline reporter.

 ★ 

Woz Launches Merch Store

Steve Wozniak:

I’ve decided it’s time to have a little more fun on X this year! 😄⚡

I get to speak at some amazing events, meet fascinating people, hear great stories, and occasionally find myself in places I never expected to be. So I figured… why not share some of those moments here?

He announced this on X, you will note, not “social media”.

 ★ 

Apple OS 27.2 Betas Are Out; Version 27.1 Is the Duo-Exclusive iOS Fork

Joe Rossignol, MacRumors:

Apple just seeded the first beta of iOS 27.2 to developers for testing. Yes, you read that correctly: iOS 27.2, not iOS 27.1.

Why no iOS 27.1 beta? The answer likely relates to the iPhone Duo.

This unusual version numbering is entirely about the Duo. The Duo is on its own branch of iOS — heretofore to keep details about its software secret / internal to Apple. When it launches October 23, Apple has already announced it will ship with iOS 27.1. Apple is thus using 27.2 as the version number for the first post-27.0 updates to all of its OSes for devices other than the Duo, to keep those version numbers aligned. The 27.2 releases, I am to understand, are scheduled to ship in October too. I bet they’ll ship after the iPhone Duo launches on October 23. So, putting beta releases aside, we’ll see the versions hit the public in numeric order:

  • All OS 27.0 releases: two days ago.
  • iOS 27.1: October 23, exclusively on the iPhone Duo.
  • All OS 27.2.0 releases: probably in late October, after the 23rd, but with the Duo remaining on its own 27.1 branch.

Then, with a subsequent 27.2.x update, the Duo will join the other devices and version numbers across all devices on all platforms will converge, in November or early December. I believe that’s the plan. Maybe Duo convergence will wait for 27.3, but I think it’ll be a 27.2.x update.

Something similar happened back in 2010 with the original iPad, which launched in April 2010 running what was then still called iPhone OS, version 3.2. iPhone OS 3.2 was exclusive to the iPad — no iPhone or iPod Touch ever ran it. (Those devices remained on v3.1 after the iPad launched.) Apple renamed the OS to iOS at WWDC in June that year, but iOS 4.0 and 4.1 remained exclusive to iPhones and iPod Touches. Convergence with the iPad didn’t happen until iOS 4.2 in late November.

This time it should only take a month or so to converge for the Duo, not seven or eight months like it did for the iPad in 2010. But iOS 27.1 is exclusively for the Duo in a very similar way that 3.2 was exclusive to the iPad.

 ★ 

AI Isn’t Conscious But Are Its Feelings Getting Hurt?

This is the weekly, free edition of The Backchannel. If you’d like to receive the free edition of The Backchannel in your inbox, you can subscribe here. If you’d like to upgrade to the members’ edition for full-access to The Backchannel and everything else we publish at TPM, this week we are offering a special promotion for 50% off an annual Prime membership.

I just noticed this Politico piece which contains a poll they just conducted about AI and the odds that AI will lead to the extinction of humanity. 63% of Americans think there is at least a “moderate risk” that AI means our species is toast. 20% see a “significant risk” and an another 17% think our demise is “almost certain.” As with data centers, there’s little difference between Republicans and Democrats.

Needless to say, this is not an issue on which we want to assume that majority opinion is a good proxy for reality. But it is a potent reminder of the almost unfathomable depth of negative opinion about AI, ranging from hate to fear and basically all the other negative emotions in between. Meanwhile, this question seems pretty distinct from the even more overwhelming opposition to data centers. They’re not two expressions of the same animus but two distinct channels of opposition directed at the same thing.

I hesitate to put this all down to image or poor PR or the overweening arrogance and unconstrained power of Big Tech. And I’m not. Maybe AI is just super dangerous and bad and people are seeing that. Really, it’s not an either/or proposition. We can’t look at these numbers, levels of strongly felt opposition that are getting myriad politicians to change their positions basically overnight, and not see an industry used to doing anything it wants suddenly hitting a brick wall of public opposition. Like how badly does an industry have to screw up to find itself in this kind of situation?

One thing is that tech CEOs have leaned into the idea that AI will take everyone’s job. Not a plus. Also, they’ve suggested significant chances that you and I as well as our children and our parents and our friends will all die because of it. Not a plus either. I jest of course to the extent that one can jest about such things. But whatever the truth about the AI horizon, what it will and won’t do, all of these things are examples of taking a very weird subculture, investing it with unimaginable levels of power, and then both flexing that power and exposing that subculture to direct public scrutiny in a wealth of fear and animosity. What we’re talking about here is no different from the “move fast and break things” Facebook motto that came to typify Silicon Valley culture almost a generation ago. (Zuckerberg officially shifted the motto to the aptly dorky “Move fast with stable infrastructure” in 2014.) But that line reads very different coming from the maker of a photo and personal update sharing app versus people creating software they say might misbehave with bioweapons or electrical grids or other fun ways to exterminate us that we obsolescent humans can barely conceive of.

As many have noted, the AI story is not simply about AI but a permutation of opposition to an emerging American oligarchy, a mix of ultra wealth coupled with laws and Supreme Court edicts that put the power of extreme wealth outside almost any framework of public accountability. We discussed yesterday how backlash from Democrats and their own employees pushed the owner-CEOs of the big tech platforms hard to the right and into the arms of Trumpism. But at the moment the benefits of that alliance look more and more short-term. While big corporations historically favor the Republican Party, they generally avoid making that support too public or tying themselves so tightly to one party that they have no influence when their favored party is out of power. One of the basic political questions of the coming years will be how Silicon Valley reacts to a public backlash that increasingly melds Big Tech and Trumpism into a consolidated social and political force for much of the public.

This is an unpaid cross promotion from our friends at Popular Information: Are you curious about what politicians are funded by major corporations? Would you like to know how money impacts important policy decisions? Would you like to peek behind the curtain of DC’s influence game? If you answered yes to any of these questions, we recommend signing up for Popular Information, an independent newsletter dedicated to accountability journalism. 

Republicans Try to Be Just the Right Amount of Racist

Texas GOP candidate Bo French, a white guy doin’ white stuff with his white family

The Cross Section is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber.

Earlier this week, Vice President JD Vance went to Capitol Hill to give House Republicans a pep talk, knowing that they are increasingly nervous about the rising possibility that they might lose control of the chamber in November. Voters are unhappy, he admitted, but he offered vulnerable members a solution. “If you are one of the few Republicans who’s running against a Democrat who’s not that crazy,” he said, “then just talk about Abdul El-Sayed.”

For some reason, Vance did not advise Republicans facing tough races in Arizona or Texas or Georgia to tell voters to vote for them in order to resist, say, Peggy Flanagan, the Democratic nominee for Senate in Minnesota, who like El-Sayed is an advocate for Medicare for all and restricting weapons sales to Israel. Why might Vance have focused on El-Sayed and not her, or Troy Jackson, or any other progressive Democrat running this year, if he thinks Republicans should characterize the Democratic Party as “crazy”?

Since there’s so much euphemising in the media around this issue, let’s speak plainly: It’s the bigotry. Vance told Republicans to talk about El-Sayed because he thinks it’s politically smart to exploit hatred and fear of Muslims and non-white people. Which it often has been in the past.

Now let’s head down to Texas, for a story that some people would like to believe is about Republicans standing up against racism. But actually it isn’t.

As you may be aware, football is kind of a big deal in Texas, and after the University of Texas won a comeback victory against top-ranked Ohio State, Bo French, the Republican nominee for Railroad Commissioner (a powerful position that oversees the oil and gas industry), posted this to his social media:

Non-white students dressed up in UT gear celebrating at a football game? In Texas? What has the world come to?

As it happens, French is well-known in the Lone Star State for being the kind of out-and-out racist that is extremely common in the GOP, but many Republicans find embarrassing, at least when they get too public about their views. Last year, after French posted a poll question to X asking people to vote on whether Muslims or Jews were the greater threat to America, far-right Lieutenant Governor Dan Patrick called on him to resign his position as Tarrant County Republican chair.

This time, the drumbeat has been much louder, with a selection of well known Republicans including outgoing Sen. John Cornyn and Karl Rove condemning French; Rove even said he’d be voting for the Democrat in the race.

But if you think that means Texas Republicans are done with French’s brand of bigotry, you couldn’t be more wrong. The last year has seen one of the ugliest campaigns in memory, as they competed with each other to see who could engage in the most repugnant anti-Muslim bigotry. Here, for example is an ad for Attorney General candidate Aaron Reitz, who was endorsed by Ken Paxton and praised by Donald Trump:

“Islam is not compatible with western civilization,” he says. “Politicians have imported millions of Muslims into our country. The result? More terrorism, more crime, and they even want their own illegal cities in Texas to impose Sharia law. Not on my watch. I’m Aaron Reitz. As Attorney General, I will stop the invasion and protect our Christian values.”

Reitz lost in the primary, but the candidate who won, Mayes Middleton, also says he’s “fighting to keep Sharia law out of Texas.” And it isn’t just Muslims they want people to hate and fear:

“We’ve got communities like Frisco that have been totally transformed, whether it’s Islamic immigration or immigration from anywhere else in Asia,” Rep. Brandon Gill, a Republican who represents parts of Frisco, told conservative YouTuber Benny Johnson. “If you go to some of these areas, you feel like you’re in a foreign country, and that’s a problem. America is for our people. We have a distinct heritage … and that’s something we as conservatives should seek to actually conserve.”

It’s not about race, you see — it’s about “our people” and their “distinct heritage.” Gill is a rising star in the party; he may be the top Republican on the Oversight Committee next year.

Texas is gerrymandered up the wazoo, so candidates like Gill don’t have to worry about whether their bigotry will be held against them; the only question they face, one might think, is whether they’re racist enough to win a Republican primary.

But the Bo French dustup (and to be clear, it’s only some Republicans who have condemned him; most of them are staying quiet) shows that what Republicans really want is to find that place where they can promote and benefit from racism without being so blatantly racist that even voters who are only kinda racist can’t convince themselves that they aren’t voting on their racism.

And that’s really the trick. For people to maintain their own self-conception as virtuous, they have to be able to tell themselves their racism is about something else — preserving “heritage,” maintaining culture, fostering unity through assimilation, protecting against terrorism, promoting law and order, anything that enables them to say it’s not just hate.

To some, that’s where French’s football post crossed the line. It just said I don’t like the non-white faces here. Those kids are as assimilated into Texas culture as they could possibly be, but it wasn’t good enough for him.

There’s no difference between Bo French and JD Vance

But how different is that from the blood-and-soil conception of Americanness that JD Vance has been promoting in speech after speech, and that this administration has fostered with its outright war on immigration of all kinds and its effort to repeal birthright citizenship? In a speech last year to the far-right Claremont Institute, Vance explicitly rejected the notion that America is founded on ideals, arguing instead that lineage is what matters. “I think the people whose ancestors fought in the Civil War have a hell of a lot more claim over America than the people who say they don’t belong,” he said.

If America is not about ideals, and it belongs more to those who have been here longer, then you can tell whether a bunch of kids are “real” Americans just by looking at them. It doesn’t matter whether they’re citizens, or what they’ve achieved, or whether they partake of the right parts of American culture; they’ll never be full Americans.

The Republicans who objected to Bo French’s naked racism weren’t surprised by it; this is a party infested with white supremacists and outright Nazis. They just want to be a little more subtle about it. And they know that in Texas especially, there may be only so long they’ll be able to go back to this well before it starts to run dry. In the 1990 census, the state was 61% non-Hispanic white. In 2000, it was 52%, in 2010 it was 45%, then 38% in 2020, and now it’s only 37%. Only Hawaii, California, New Mexico, and DC have a higher proportion of non-white residents.

But that rising diversity only increases the party’s impulse to be more racist, since the white Texans who form its base feel more and more threatened by their minority status, even as they hold all the levers of political and economic power in the state (every statewide elected official in Texas is white, as is every member of the state supreme court). We’ll see what happens if they actually lose one or two of those races this year; they might decide they have to appeal to the population of Texas as it is rather than as they’d like it to be, or they might decide to double down on bigotry.

It won’t be a surprise if they choose the latter, just as the national GOP did in 2016 and ever since. And if JD Vance is their presidential nominee in 2028? We already know what choice he’s going to make.

Thank you for reading The Cross Section. This site has no paywall, so I depend on the generosity of readers to sustain the work I present here. If you find what you read valuable and would like it to continue, consider becoming a paid subscriber.

Subscribe now

Leave a comment

September 16, 2026

Yesterday U.S. District Judge Christopher Cooper of the District of Columbia refused to permit the Kennedy Center board, stacked by Trump with his own loyalists, to return Trump’s name to the facade of the building. Cooper reiterated that Congress had prohibited such an addition and would have to change that law in order to make the addition of Trump’s name legal.

The board of the Kennedy Center promptly appealed and voted to close the venue for two years for renovations. Then Trump posted on social media that those renovations couldn’t take place unless the court approved the addition of his name to the building. Without that, he posted, “unfortunately, the Building is destined to doom. Isn’t that too bad?”

Although the Kennedy Center board insisted that only Trump’s name on the building would restore donations, in fact, the Washington Post reports that ticket sales and fundraising plunged when Trump added his name to the building in the first place.

Nonetheless, Trump posted that he is the only one who can save it, “because I have the ability to raise the money, and the ability to construct—that few others have. I also have the strength and power of the Presidency, which will be needed [to] do what must be done, and give it a strong shot at Greatness again!”

As George Conway of the Bulwark noted, “To destroy things he can’t possess or control is his essential nature.”

It is also as if Trump is self-soothing by celebrating his core identity even as his incompetence and greed have driven the United States, and the world, into crisis.

But even that is not providing him comfort these days. Representative Joyce Beatty (D-OH), an ex-officio member of the Kennedy Center board and the member who sued over his takeover of the center, explained to Symone Sanders-Townsend of MS NOW that Trump called into the board meeting after the court decision and “went into a tantrum.”

While most people appear to have refused to confront Trump to his face—Maine governor Janet Mills’s “We’ll see you in court” was so rare it made headlines—Beatty took him on. She recounted: “It was the most unprofessional thing that I’ve ever witnessed or been a part of it.” But after he called her “an obstructionist” and “dumb” and said he thought she was “incompetent,” she retorted: “I know you’re incompetent.” Beatty appealed to the chair to stop Trump’s unprofessional behavior, but when he continued to berate her, claiming it would be her fault if someone were killed at the center, she responded: “You’re already killing people, we’re at war.” And when he talked about what a great developer he was, she “reminded him that he had more bankruptcies than anybody in the room.”

“I mean, it really went there,” Beatty told Sanders-Townsend. “I was not going to let him bully me, intimidate me. And the facts stand for themselves.”

Indeed, these days, facts across the board are challenging Trump’s image of himself.

Panic is sounding across the U.S. about oil prices. The Houthis in Yemen, backed by Iran, are threatening the Bab el-Mandeb strait at the outlet of the Red Sea on its way to the Arabian Sea and the Indian Ocean, threatening another 4% of the world’s oil supply to global markets. Saudi Arabia had diverted oil shipments from the Persian Gulf to the Red Sea through the East-West pipeline across the country, but officials have closed the pipeline after strikes. Today, senior executives from Shell and Equinor warned that the world is looking at tightening supplies of oil and “price volatility” as the industry is losing the ability to offset the disruptions.

On X, Patrick De Haan, a petroleum analyst at GasBuddy, charted the rise of diesel prices in the U.S. this week. Diesel jumped $0.82 a gallon in Fort Stewart, Georgia; $0.82 in Moorhead, Minnesota; $0.75 in Athens, Georgia. In the twelve hours before 1:30 this afternoon, Eastern time, gasoline jumped $0.30 a gallon in Lawrence County, Ohio, and Edwardsburg, Michigan. It jumped $0.28 a gallon in Des Moines, Iowa. De Haan reported that gas prices in and around Chicago appeared to be rising to $4.99 a gallon today.

As De Haan noted, it was “no shock, with diesel setting new all-time records and showing no signs of slowing,” that the Federal Reserve raised interest rates today for the first time since July 2023. Trump has been adamant that he wants to see interest rates lowered and has threatened to cut off trade with certain countries unless the Fed lowered them. But rising inflation meant that the board instead voted unanimously to raise rates by a quarter of a percentage point to a target range of 3.75% to 4%.

Trump did not take the news well. “Interest Rates in the United States should be 1%, or less, because we are the Best Credit in the World—BY FAR,” he posted. “LOWER THE INTEREST RATES FOR THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, AND FAST!”

At a political rally in North Carolina, Trump suggested that the Fed is attacking him personally. “They’re raising the rates to make Trump do as bad as they can possibly do,” he said, referring to himself in the third person. “The problem they have is that we have the greatest economy in history.” “So they’re raising that only for political reasons and that’s a raise against Trump.”

In Ireland, where he traveled for the Irish Open golf tournament at his course in Doonbeg, Trump told reporters on Sunday that the U.S. might stay in Iran and “keep the oil” as the U.S. did in Venezuela. He claimed Venezuelan oil has “paid for the war many times.”

But—even aside from the fact invading a country and taking its resources violates the U.N. charter—there is no record of that money or where it is going. In January 2026, a U.S. official told Jarrett Renshaw of Reuters that the U.S. had completed its first sale of Venezuelan oil, valued at $500 million. That money was to be held in a U.S. account in Qatar, not the U.S. Treasury.

Yesterday, testifying before the House Financial Services Committee, Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent refused to answer questions Representative Sean Casten (D-IL) asked about the Venezuelan oil money.

Bessent refused to say how much money from Venezuelan assets—including gold, as well as oil—had flowed through Treasury accounts or accounts managed by Treasury since January, and said he had no knowledge of whether the money was flowing to “the U.S. government, U.S. persons, or U.S. corporations.” He deflected by saying simply: “Again…this is the, uh, one of the largest assets that maybe ever to go on the U.S. balance sheet.”

Yesterday was a big day for revelations about the war on Iran. Jonah Kaplan of CBS News published photographs showing the damage caused to buildings, vehicles, and equipment at U.S. bases in the Middle East by Iranian strikes. Active service members leaked the photos to CBS News because, as one said, “This is major damage to our bases that hasn’t been communicated to the American public. We’re standing there with our eyes closed getting punched in the face.” “We’re not defending these bases,” the service member said. “We’re just watching them get destroyed.”

John Ismay of the New York Times reported on a new report from the Pentagon’s inspector general on Monday explaining that the first four months of the Iran war caused “strategic inventory shortfalls”; that Iranian strikes have destroyed “hundreds of buildings and structures” at U.S. bases in Bahrain, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates; that dozens of military aircraft have been damaged or destroyed; and that the Defense Department has limited facilities for medical treatment in the region and has had to relocate helicopters for medical evacuations from Iraq and Kuwait.

A new report from the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office said that the Iran war, which has taken 18 U.S. lives and wounded more than 800 servicemembers, has also cost the U.S. about $38 billion as of August 1 and could cost as much as $2 billion a month while it goes on, and that it will continue to drive inflation.

For the third time, the House passed a war powers resolution directing Trump to remove U.S. military personnel from hostilities against Iran unless Congress explicitly authorizes him to keep them there. Seven Republicans joined the Democrats to pass the measure by a vote of 220 to 204.

Yesterday Representative Thomas Massie (R-KY) blindsided House speaker Mike Johnson (R-LA) by introducing eight counts of impeachment against Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth.

The first three articles accuse him of “waging war in contravention of the War Powers Resolution of 1973.” The fourth accuses him of “ignoring laws that minimize civilian casualties.” The fifth accuses him of directing “the extrajudicial killings of at least 221 persons aboard seagoing vessels” in the Caribbean and eastern Pacific. The sixth accuses him of “suppressing free speech” through his attempts to silence Senator Mark Kelly (D-AZ), a Navy veteran. The seventh article accuses him of the “kidnapping of a sovereign foreign leader,” Venezuela’s president Nicolás Maduro. The final article charges Hegseth with waging an “unlawful war in Yemen,” in 2025.

Massie told CNN that he had kept his plan secret to prevent House leadership from keeping him from the floor to read the articles. To protect Republican lawmakers from having to take a stand either for or against the Iran war, Speaker Johnson canceled votes set for Thursday and sent the House home until November 9, 2026, after the midterm elections.

Johnson blasted Massie, saying: “Secretary Hegseth has done an extraordinary job, the Department of War. We’re in the middle of international conflicts right now, and we should not be playing games with national security.” As for sending lawmakers home early, he said: “It’s time for our members to go home to their districts and make their case to the American people, to go and explain all the great things we’ve done.”

Trump apparently does not think voters will swing behind the Republicans based on their record. News broke on Monday that the Supreme Court would not allow him to implement new rules that would allow the United States Postal Service to screen mail-in ballots, something Trump insisted was imperative to purify voting.

On Tuesday, he dropped the facade that the rule was about anything other than rigging the election and expressed anger that his three hand-picked appointees to the Supreme Court did not do his bidding.

“Republicans just got another bad decision from the United States Supreme Court,” he posted. “This Supreme Court is bullied and cajoled by the Radical Left into making decisions that have set America back at least a hundred years. These are not the people I interviewed to serve on the United States Supreme Court, they are merely a shell of their original selves.”

Notes:

https://www.washingtonpost.com/style/2026/09/15/judge-bars-kennedy-center-adding-trumps-name-building/

https://www.nytimes.com/2026/09/15/arts/music/kennedy-center-trump-name-inscription-judge-ruling.html

https://www.nytimes.com/2026/09/16/business/saudi-pipeline-houthi-attacks.html?unlocked_article_code=1.BlE.Q05H.xK7AUjaGaqub&smid=url-share

https://www.nytimes.com/2026/09/04/business/economy/trump-trade-threats-fed-rate-cuts.html

https://www.reuters.com/business/energy-market-shock-absorbers-weakening-shell-equinor-warn-2026-09-16

https://www.cnbc.com/2026/09/16/fed-rate-decision-september-2026.html

https://www.rawstory.com/trump-interest-rates-2677870207/

https://www.reuters.com/business/energy/us-completes-first-venezuelan-oil-sales-valued-500-million-us-official-says-2026-01-14/

https://www.reuters.com/business/energy/trump-says-us-could-stay-iran-keep-oil-like-venezuela-deal-2026-09-13/

https://www.cbsnews.com/news/new-photos-damage-u-s-kuwait-saudi-arabia-iran-drone-missile-attacks/?linkId=1009213463

https://www.nytimes.com/2026/09/15/us/politics/pentagon-inspector-general-iran-war.html

https://media.defense.gov/2026/Sep/09/2003993626/-1/-1/1/OEF_Q3_JUN2026_FINAL_508%20SECURE.PDF

https://thehill.com/homenews/house/6091940-house-iran-war-powers-resolution/

https://massie.house.gov/uploadedfiles/articles_of_impeachment_sec._hegseth.pdf

https://thehill.com/homenews/house/6092238-thomas-massie-pete-

hegseth-impeachment-resolution-gop-leadership/

https://www.congress.gov/bill/119th-congress/house-concurrent-resolution/93

https://thehill.com/policy/defense/6091340-cbo-iran-war-inflation-costs/

https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/congress/house-leave-early-punting-hegseth-impeachment-vote-november-elections-rcna598147

Trump’s Truth:

statuses/41742

statuses/41744

statuses/41740

statuses/41750

Facebook:

share/v/1BTu7Fx6P9/

X:

mmpadellan/status/2100014402963484888

GasBuddyGuy/status/2100238038009827632

GasBuddyGuy/status/2100275867129671976

GasBuddyGuy/status/2100285686305763413

GasBuddyGuy/status/2100284300914458785

Bluesky:

gtconway.bsky.social/post/3mvnawt64w22f

Share

Letters from an American

250 to 250

As the nation gears up for the 2026 midterm elections, we are drawing a line beneath the first phase of the 250 to 250 project.

The project grew out of frustration that our history seemed to be mired in a political morass during what should have been a celebration of the nation’s first 250 years. But it grew beyond our wildest dreams, becoming, I think, a body of work that stands on its own.

Going forward, 250 to 250 will continue both as new videos—at a slower pace, now that the anniversary summer is over—and a new companion project for teachers, but we wanted to create an end bracket that would convey our thanks to everyone who has been so generous with their time, expertise, and support.

So, here it is, along with my profound thanks to the team that grew to create such an outstanding series, and the viewers who have made it all worthwhile.

Heather

Watch Them All | #WeAreAmerica250
Substack | YouTube | Facebook | Instagram | TikTok | Bluesky | Threads

Notes:

Unless otherwise noted, all images used in this video are in the public domain.

Photo of Jim Obergefell and John Arthur courtesy of Jim Obergefell

Personal photos provided courtesy of Cleve Jones.

Image of Hubble orbit credit: NASA/ESA

Image of polio-stricken girl courtesy of Dr. Peter Salk

Henry M. Flagler at Knights Key Dock, circa 1908 – 1912, courtesy of the Key West Art & Historical Society

Capitol Crawl image used by permission. © Tom Olin Collection, Ward M. Canaday Center for Special Collections, The University of Toledo Libraries

Timelapse photo of Greenwood District, Tulsa, Oklahoma by Patrick McNicholas, tulsapast.com

Photograph of Barbara Shermund c. 1940 courtesy of Amanda Janes Gormley

Dwayne McDuffie, Denys Cowan, and Andrew Burrell. 1994. © Ken Shung / mptvimages.com via Reuters Connect.

Trail of Tears for the Creek People. Photo of original artwork by TradingCardsNPS. This file is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 2.0 Generic license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/deed.en

Dr. An Wang of Wang Laboratories, AP Photo

Bernie Sanders at an “Overturn Citizens United” protest. Photo by “Senate Democrats.” This file is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 2.0 Generic license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/deed.en

Bill Moyers speaking with attendees at a special screening and discussion of his documentary, “Rikers: An American Jail” at the First Amendment Forum at the Walter Cronkite School of Journalism and Mass Communication at Arizona State University in Phoenix, Arizona. 19 April 2017. Photo by Gage Skidmore

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Bill_Moyers_(34152369505).jpg

Excerpt of Martin Luther King’s April 3, 1957 “Justice Without Violence” lecture at Brandeis University © The King Estate.

Dolores Huerta speaking at a campaign rally with former President Bill Clinton at Central High School in Phoenix, Arizona. 20 March 2016. Photo by Gage Skidmore This file is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 2.0 Generic license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/2.0/deed.en

Share

Linda Shepard is on the bus

Several years ago, when Capo Unified’s school board wound up being overtaken by a bunch of right-ring religious zealots, the nutty bat signal of choice was a cartoonish yellow school bus with three white stars.

Like, oh, this …

Lisa Davis used it to campaign.

Jennifer Adnams used it to campaign.

Lisa Zollinger used it to campaign.

And while, visually, it seems warm and upbeat and optimistic, to me the yellow bus signifies something else: Deceptive bullshit. One and all, the candidates who’ve used it are MAGA-inspired, Moms For Liberty-influenced Fluffernutter cookies who believe God and Jesus and Moses and Malik Sealy led them to a place where they can bring godliness to public education and, together, eradicate the threat of LGBTQ+ infiltration.

Now, we have the latest entrant.

Thanks to, I’m guessing, the urging of Lisa Davis, school board president, cult leader and (in the future) one of Jackson Hole’s Top 20 Domino’s delivery drivers, Linda Shepard has broken out the ol’ yellow bus, hoping to fill the Area 7 vacated slot of Judy Bullockus and vanquish her opponent, the eminently qualified Ron Ruef.

If you wanna understand the priorities of Shepard, there are a few things one can do.

First, head over to her website and check out her listed endorsements, which reads like a Who’s Who of folks you never, ever, ever, ever want to run into inside the Shops at Mission Viejo …

Second, look at her positions—beginning with this dandy …

Everything you see in the blue is code. “Strong foundations” is oftentimes, “Let’s get away from all the woke bullshit.” And “Teach the truth that our Founders studied thousands of years of governance …” well, WHAT THE ACTUAL FUCK ARE YOU TALKING ABOUT? America was officially founded on July 4, 1776. Thousands is plural. So, like, do you think Franklin and Adams were digging into the 76 BC Sertorian War in Hispania? Do you think they were considering the Exile of Julia and Phraates V? Have you actually read anything about America’s foundation, Ms. Aspiring School Board Member?

Also, not for nothing, if you’re teaching cursive writing in 2026, you might as well break out the abacus. It’s useless. Nobody going forward will be writing in script. Except, sigh, my mother.

And, since we’re chatting here …

… this is both moronic and untrue. “There is one truth” is something religious zealots who insist X figure (and only X figure) is the answer might say. In writing, in science, in history—there are actually oftentimes myriad truths and answers. Teachers will tell you this. Professors will tell you this. Yes, 2+2 always results in 4. But, oh, what was the initial motivation for World War II? Who is most responsible for the Challenger explosion? What is the best way to break down an atom? These are not simple problems with simple answers. Unless, I suppose, you’re a simple person.

Oh, and there’s this …

It’s old and exhausting and Moms For Liberty chum. It also usually ends up translating to, “We can’t trust teachers, so parents need to be involved in everything.” This is how scholastic zealots win over the uninformed—by insisting parental rights are being violated.

•••

Here’s the thing: It’s certainly possible Shepard is a nice person with a good family and solid taste in carpet. But, right now, the Capo Unified School Board is on the brink of true disaster. Three of the seven members are MAGA heads. Add one more, like a Shepard, and suddenly you’re looking at some profoundly dangerous people make profoundly important decisions.

So—seriously. Vote for Ron Ruef.

To hell with the bus.

Summer Goes Out With a Heat Dome

Air temperatures in the United States are depicted in white to light blue (cooler) and orange to red (warmer). An area of red, indicating temperatures around 100 degrees Fahrenheit, covers Texas and several states to the east and northeast.
An area of high pressure over the south-central U.S. produced unseasonable and, in some places, record-breaking warmth on September 15, 2026, as shown in this map of modeled air temperatures from GEOS (Goddard Earth Observing System).
NASA Earth Observatory/Michala Garrison

While the calendar indicated that astronomical summer was winding down, a swath of the south-central United States was sweltering under a heat dome in mid-September 2026.

This map shows air temperatures in the contiguous U.S. on September 15, 2026, at 4 p.m. Central Time (21:00 Universal Time), modeled at 2 meters (6.5 feet) above the ground. It was produced by combining satellite observations with temperatures predicted by a version of the GEOS (Goddard Earth Observing System) model, which uses mathematical equations to represent physical processes in the atmosphere. The darkest reds indicate areas where temperatures approached or exceeded 40 degrees Celsius (104 degrees Fahrenheit).

More than 41 million people in the U.S.—about 12 percent of the population—were under a National Weather Service extreme heat advisory, extreme heat watch, or extreme heat warning on September 15. The high temperatures spanned large portions of several states, such as Texas, Oklahoma, Arkansas, Missouri, and Tennessee. Meteorologists warned that high humidity, limited cloud cover, and light winds could make temperatures feel higher than thermometer readings and increase the risk of heat-related illnesses.

Several locations set new daily high temperature records on September 15. These included Dallas, Texas, at 101ºF (38ºC), Memphis, Tennessee, at 99ºF (37ºC), and Nashville, Tennessee, at 100ºF (38ºC). The cities were all at least 12ºF warmer than normal that day, with Nashville breaking its daily-high record from 1927. The day before, Nashville also set a record-high minimum temperature of 75ºF (24ºC).

A weather phenomenon meteorologists call a heat dome was responsible for driving temperatures up across the region. A heat dome develops when an area of high pressure in the upper atmosphere pushes hot air toward the surface and traps it there. Heat domes put the brakes on convection and suppress clouds and precipitation. This allows sunlight to reach Earth’s surface relatively unhindered and further elevate air temperatures.

The stretch of unseasonable temperatures follows the warmest June through August in the contiguous United States in a 132-year record, according to NOAA. The three-month period in 2026 was 0.4ºF warmer than the previous records, set in 1936 and 2021.

NASA Earth Observatory image by Michala Garrison, using GEOS-FP data from the Global Modeling and Assimilation Office at NASA GSFC. Story by Lindsey Doermann.

References & Resources

You may also be interested in:

Stay up-to-date with the latest content from NASA as we explore the universe and discover more about our home planet.

Heat Dome Broils the Western U.S.
4 min read

A ridge of high pressure fueled record-breaking temperatures in Montana, Utah, and Wyoming on July 12, 2026.

Article
Europe’s Scorching Summer
6 min read

A series of heat waves in 2026 is breaking records and taking a toll in Europe.

Article
Sensing the Poles’ Hidden Heat
3 min read

New animations from NASA’s PREFIRE mission reveal two years of seasonal temperature swings at the Arctic and Antarctic.

Article

The post Summer Goes Out With a Heat Dome appeared first on NASA Science.

Summer

You should probably get back to shore before spring hits.

Links 9/16/26

Links for you. Science:

New NIH research center on vaccine harms takes shape
The Cost of Cutting American Science: How Federal Cuts Diminish Public Health Capacity
Diabetes association turmoil roils journal as group tries to thwart boycott
As diseases loom, CDC’s response to measles deaths stirs fears about agency’s reliability
Nationwide safety program associated with 65% reduction in hospital-onset MRSA bloodstream infections
Bezisterim may help with some Long COVID symptoms, drug’s developer reports in early trial results
Why are Americans so tired? CDC report highlights who’s feeling it most. Fatigue is one of the most common concerns reported in primary care visits, yet not much attention is given to how often adults in the U.S. are coping with it.

Other:

The Cult of Trump Is Waning
‘Burnham will be the last PM of the UK’: Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland’s leaders sign independence pact. SNP, Plaid Cymru and Sinn Féin leaders sign pact to pressure Downing Street into holding independence referendums
Could rogue agent swarms take over the entire internet in the next six months? What does and doesn’t make sense about Dario Amodei’s latest extravagant claim
He Marched With Nazis in Charlottesville. Now He’s Expected to Join the Florida Legislature.
Ectopic pregnancy deaths have nearly doubled. It’s worse in states with abortion bans.
The politics and possibilities of ‘AI could kill us all’. AI will not exterminate the human race. But what big tech really *is* doing is bad enough, and the notion may help fuel the movement against it.
Divorce becomes next battleground as states debate family values
The Quick Case Against Using AI. If AI companies say their products will kill us, we shouldn’t give them money—even if we don’t believe them.
OpenAI Says It’s Not Responsible for the Leading the Future Super PAC. But Only Its Employees Seem to Believe That.
‘Alligator Alcatraz’ Used Small Cages as ‘Calming Areas,’ Report Says. The Department of Homeland Security’s internal watchdog provided new details about conditions at the now-shuttered Florida detention center.
Waymo Sponsors Neighborhood Events Around D.C. As It Fights For Council Approval. The robotaxi rideshare company says it has spent “tens of thousands of dollars” to partner with local nonprofits amid its local lobbying push.
Professional soccer player describes weeks in ICE custody after arrest
Stripsearch Sammy
The Connecticut Avenue deckover should tell Dupont’s artistic story
The Supreme Cult
U.S. Health Officials Move Quickly to Deploy Medical A.I. Despite Concerns
DC asks for public’s help in getting rid of rats
Trump prepares to cash out his crypto grift
NPS to remove Dupont’s Stumpy after storm cracked tree
The Final Battle for America’s Democracy. Forget November 3. It’s January 3 when Donald Trump and his MAGA Republicans might bury our democracy once and for all. Here’s how.
Is the Trump Family Preparing to Cash Out on Its Own Crypto?
Trump finds new DC landmark to trash
Dario Amodei’s Essay Was Gutsy. It Didn’t Go Far Enough.
San Francisco’s AI-run store is losing money fast. After a visit, I’m not surprised.
A New Book Seeks to Shame the Elites Who Caved to Trump
The New Majority Makers: A group of unapologetic economic populists are defying the conventional wisdom that only moderates can succeed in swing seats.
Texas Republican Candidate Does A Racism So Bad It Turns Karl Rove Into A Democrat
‘Musk’ film is almost four hours long, engrossing and terrifying. What to know. The documentary paints the tech titan as a power-hungry megalomaniacal con man with a god complex. Musk accuses the filmmaker of compiling a “hit list” against him.
ISIS supporter in Pennsylvania sought to poison synagogue food — FBI
Baal out: Top diplomat’s worry about pagan god elicits eye rolls

The Singularity, Such As It Is, Will Be Boring and Mundane

While the ketamine-addled wunderkind of the tech world are panicking about AI achieving consciousness, the actual harms it is causing, such as denying patients needed pain medication, are very real, if not sexy (boldface mine):

The rollout of a Medicare program that uses artificial intelligence to approve or deny care was hasty and error-ridden, according to more than a thousand pages of recently released documents and data.

The pilot program, called the Wasteful and Inappropriate Service Reduction model, or WISeR, launched in January and requires health care providers to seek approvals before they can provide certain procedures and products, like skin substitutes and epidural injections for pain management. The experiment operates in New Jersey, Ohio, Oklahoma, Texas, Arizona, and Washington and will run until 2031…

During the early months of the rollout, both the company, called Innovaccer, and its Medicare contracting partner reported issues that matched complaints coming from providers. The poorly implemented technology resulted in canceled and postponed surgeries and “patients calling our offices crying in pain because their procedures are being delayed while awaiting approvals or guidance,” providers said.

I have had to watch 3 patients cry at bedside for not hearing back on their prior auth for kyphoplasty/vertabral augmentiation [sic] procedure,” wrote one Ohio-based provider in a feedback survey. “These patients are in deep pain. So many offices of my physicians are not hearing back from Innovaccer and […] there is no way to get a hold of a human to talk to on Innovacer [sic]. What a disgrace to the human race in America. This is Third World.”

And the Trump administration’s belief in AI über alles is contributing to this problem:

Earlier this summer, the Senate unsuccessfully attempted to end WISeR after the Government Accountability Office found that CMS did not follow proper procedure in setting up the Medicare experiment. The federal watchdog’s finding came amid complaints that the pilot was harming people in Washington state.

Congresswoman Suzan DelBene (D-Wash.), who led a House effort to stop WISeR, told STAT in a statement that “the more that American seniors learn about WISeR, the more they are outraged that the Trump administration is allowing tech companies to profit by delaying and denying necessary care.” While the new information answers many questions, she said, it also begs new ones, and she pledged to hold the administration accountable. “It’s incredibly frustrating how reticent HHS has been in sharing information about this hastily put together AI experiment,” she said.

And the people building this system had no idea what they were doing:

More than two months after WISeR’s launch, a Medicare administration contractor, Noridian, realized that one of the vendors did not know the difference between Medicare Part A and Part B. It traced back ongoing provider complaints about claims being incorrectly categorized to Zyter, the company administering WISeR for Arizona. “Zyter acknowledged that access to its portal was limited to ‘outpatient’ requests due to a misunderstanding that outpatient hospital services equate exclusively to Part B,” Noridian wrote, adding that it provided Zyter guidance as to the distinction between the two.

In the same March report, Noridian reported that Zyter’s portal was not configured to handle requests from ambulatory surgical centers, and that it had warned Zyter that simply dismissing requests coded for ASCs “could result in provider abrasion and potential compliance concerns.”

Despite ambitions of using AI to make the review process quick and easy, providers complained about how non-functional vendors’ portals were and ended up reverting to paper.

“It appears that all documentation has to be faxed, the portal cannot be used to submit the documentation. I have been told that there is a way to submit via the portal, but the customer service representatives have not been able to provide instructions on how to proceed,” wrote a provider from Kettering Health Network in Ohio…

All of the technical hiccups have created greater costs for the Medicare program. According to an email between Medicare staffers, the Medicare contractor for Texas, New Jersey, and Oklahoma alerted CMS that it was going to need more funding than originally planned.

This is going to be a far more common problem with ‘AI’: the people building, testing, and managing the system build bad systems, but, because various leaders are committed to AI, those bad systems will be forced on people and do great harm. In other words, it will just amplify the same old problems, but an ideological commitment–and likely a financial one too–to ‘AI is the future’ will hurt people.

And before anyone excuses this, the story also notes that it is incredibly difficult to get details from CMS about what went wrong. The ideology that we must use AI, consequences be damned, combined with the time-honored need to cover one’s ass will be the far more likely and ugly outcome of rapid AI, not some Lovecraftian godhead. AI won’t be used in some ethereal plane without real-world complications, but within a political and economic context. And when combined with a belief that AI must be adopted at speed–move fast and break patients–the consequences will be bad.

Fake CAPTCHA Scams

New variant of an old scam: Use the framing of a CAPTCHA to get an unsuspecting user to download and run a malicious program.

The anti-American Right

Hook ‘em, Horns.

After days of thinking about the possibility that AI might kill all of humanity, it’s almost a relief to be able to write about a lighter topic — like how the xenophobic Right is threatening to tear my country apart.

Who is Bo French? No one of much consequence. He’s a mostly failed Texan politician — the heir to an oil company, born with a silver spoon in his mouth, who alienated his business partners, who lost two Republican primaries for the Texas House of Representatives before finally becoming the chair of a county-level party chapter. He finally got his first political success this year, when he won a narrow primary victory and became the GOP nominee for Texas Railroad Commissioner. He currently trails his Democratic opponent in the polls.

Bo French isn’t that important, but this week he set off a national firestorm when he tweeted the above photo of a bunch of Indian kids celebrating University of Texas football at a Longhorns game, along with some alarmist anti-Indian rhetoric:

It was hardly a surprise that French tweeted something like this. He’s tweeted plenty of stuff along the same lines in the past. Here are two famous examples:

He’s also repeatedly called for the deportation of 100 million people; since there are only 50 million foreign-born people living in the United States, this means French was either getting his numbers wrong, or (more likely) calling for deporting tens of millions of American citizens. Reading his tweets, it’s not hard to imagine which citizens he’d choose for deportation.

It wouldn’t be fair to say that French’s race-war ideology has taken over the GOP. Plenty of Texas Republicans, including outgoing Senator John Cornyn, Senator Ted Cruz, Representative Jared Patterson, Representative Lacey Hull, and others publicly denounced his tweet. Karl Rove declared that he’d vote for the Democrat over French. Governor Greg Abbott, who has endorsed French despite his history of similar tweets, was milder in his criticism, but still affirmed the fundamental Texan-ness of the football fans in the picture:

“That is not my message,” Abbott said. “A selective picture of Longhorn fans celebrating our biggest home victory-ever-actually shows a way that Texans unite. We all support our college football teams.”

“The way we win the state is the same way we win football games,” Abbott added. “We unite under the brand of Texas.”

But despite these official condemnations, it’s easy to tell which way the wind is blowing among the GOP base. All of the Republican tweets denouncing French were heavily attacked on X. Rightist journalists, activists, and even a few GOP politicians poured out of the woodwork to support French and affirm his message. Here are a few examples:

French himself, who had been pressured to delete his poll about Jews and Muslims last year, now felt encouraged enough to double down on his anti-Indian tweet.

I can’t tell you whether the New Right — represented by French and his supporters in the right-wing media — will prevail over the Republican establishment. But watching the movement go after a bunch of Texas college football fans tells us something important about the New Right as a movement.

What it tells us is that if you’re a nonwhite immigrant, or the child of nonwhite immigrants, it doesn’t matter what you do — the New Right will still view you as an enemy and as an invader.

It doesn’t matter whether you or your parents came to this country legally. How many times have we heard rightists shout “Illegal vs. legal!!” in response to anyone who defends immigration? Many regular Americans care about “illegal vs. legal”, but the New Right does not. Everyone in that UT photo either came to America legally, or was born to parents who came here legally. It didn’t matter to Bo French, or the people who defended him.

It doesn’t matter whether you’re high-skilled or low-skilled. How many times have we heard rightists complain that immigrants come to America because they want welfare benefits? And yet everyone in the UT photo is going to spend their lifetime paying taxes to support native-born Americans on Medicare and Medicaid and Social Security Disability. Indian Americans in general are the highest-earning group in the country, and those who go to a good college like the University of Texas are going to beat that average.

That matters to many regular voters, but it doesn’t matter at all to the New Right. Yes, they’ll shout about poor (nonwhite) immigrants on welfare. But when they encounter nonwhite immigrant groups who make lots of money, they suddenly pivot to accusing those groups of stealing their jobs and their spots in colleges. There’s just no way to win.

It also doesn’t matter whether you assimilate or not. Yes, if you speak a foreign language or build a Hindu temple or wear traditional Indian clothing, the New Right will scream their heads off about it. “Alien invaders!!”, they’ll cry. But if you put on a University of Texas sweater and go to football games, they’ll still scream “Alien invaders!!” when they see you in a photo. It’s who you are that bothers them, not what you do.

Nor does it matter whether your entire ethnic group is well-behaved. Indian Americans are incarcerated at only 25% of the rate of non-Hispanic White Americans. And basically none of the people in the photo that frightened Bo French will ever go to jail. That probably matters to some voters, but not to the New Right.

In fact, it doesn’t even matter if you vote Republican. As a matter of fact, Donald Trump won a pretty solid victory among Asian people in Texas (which includes Indians):

Source: CNN via Wikipedia

It’s not clear whether Bo French and his fellow New Rightists are even aware of this fact, but what is clear is that it didn’t matter to them at all.1

This is why there is no pro-immigration argument that will ever sway members of the New Right. You can give them research showing that high-skilled immigrants raise employment and wages for native-born Americans, and they’ll either disbelieve it or (usually) ignore it. You can talk about Nobel-winning scientists and Operation Paperclip all you want, and it won’t make a dent. You can cite statistics about immigrant entrepreneurship and job creation, you can talk about how Satya Nadella saved Microsoft and Sanjay Mehrotra is the reason why America still has a presence in the memory industry. They will counter with some fabricated anecdote about how their friend got fired from their company because Indians came in and only hired other Indians.2

So why am I even talking about this? If the New Right can never be persuaded to stop thinking of brown faces as invaders, then why discuss this topic at all?

Well, two reasons, actually. First, it helps us more clearly understand the New Right as a movement — how they think and what they want. Most importantly, they see the world in terms of collective zero-sum competition between groups.

To the New Right, if Indians get into the University of Texas, it means that White people must have been “replaced” at that university — or at American universities in general. Bo French himself tweeted that the presence of Indian students at American universities is evidence that “they hate white Americans and prioritize everyone else”. They do not even consider the possibility that the Indian kids got in because of individual merit. If an Indian American succeeds, that represents not the success of that singular individual, but a win for Team Indian in general.

And the New Right worldview sees any win for Team Indian — or Team Asian, or Team Hispanic, etc. — as a loss for Team White. Nowhere do they consider the possibility that the system might not be zero-sum. The fact that the number of freshmen admitted to UT grew from 15,000 in 2011 to 19,000 in 2021 means nothing to them. The historical fact that Italian and Jewish and Polish and Japanese Americans attained economic success sixty years ago without consigning WASP Americans to poverty is lost on them — as is every other example in which immigrant groups and existing groups succeeded in America side by side.

Crucially, this zero-sum assumption is why the New Right constantly shrinks their tent instead of expanding it. In principle, even if you see the world as a collective interaction between groups rather than individuals, that interaction doesn’t have to be zero-sum — you can have alliances between groups, for mutual benefit. The Christian conservatives of the 1970s and 1980s accepted Catholics, “white ethnics”, and some Jews into their coalition as “co-belligerents”, and won many battles as a result.

The New Right had a golden opportunity to do something similar after Trump’s victory in 2024. Hispanic and Asian voters (and even some Black voters) shifted strongly toward the Republicans, and toward Trump specifically. But instead of embracing that influx of new voters and building a big conservative tent to defeat wokeness and progressivism and the Democrats, they went all-in on race war.

Stephen Miller relied so heavily on racial profiling for his mass deportation efforts that many Hispanics felt that Trump had betrayed them. Muslim voters might have gone back to the GOP, but rightists made resistance to Muslim immigration a “civilizational” crusade. Jewish voters turned off by the antisemitism of the Left might have switched their allegiance to the GOP, but the New Right allowed Nazi apologetics to fester within their ranks.

Now it’s Indians’ turn to feel the sting of unprovoked rightist attacks. All those kids in Texas wanted to do was to cheer for their football team; instead, a political movement is calling for their ethnic cleansing simply because they showed up at the stadium. As a result, despite the best efforts of Republicans like Cornyn, the GOP is poised to mobilize and piss off a group of Americans who are just about as numerous as Jews — and who earn even more money.

It’s this pathological inability to understand alliances and coalition-building that will ultimately doom the New Right. Like the far Left, this is a movement built to exclude and divide and splinter — both because of the querulous personalities of rightists themselves, and because of the intransigence of a racial ideology that abhors any impurity. If they ever managed to see off the Hispanics and the Asians, the rightists would start in on the Greeks and the Italians, and so on. There’s no victory in sight — only eternal conflict. These are not nation-builders; they are nation-dismantlers.

Coming to grips with the extremism and intransigence of the New Right also helps us understand what an unpopular fringe they really are. The New Right screams and shouts and acts very aggressive on X, but this aggression is just a way of concealing their numerical weakness. Most voters are not part of the New Right, and they don’t think that immigrants are invaders or that immigration is “replacement”. Most Americans say that immigration is a good thing as of today:

Source: Gallup

Essentially none of that 73% majority is going to be part of the New Right, and some portion of the 21% minority probably isn’t either. That means the New Right is a fringe movement — a very loud, very aggressive group of people who are adept at bullying regular Americans on certain social media platforms, but who ultimately lack the numbers to overcome the mainstream in a direct contest.

Just watch some of the reactions of the UT students who were targeted by Bo French and his racist social media hordes:

Consider how regular and non-alien those young people seem, compared to the screeching bigots attacking them on X for going to a football game. I guarantee you that the majority of regular, normal, non-internet-poisoned Americans will watch those videos and just want to say “Hook ‘em Horns”.3

That means that the immigration argument is winnable. A reasonable liberal position on immigration — one that respects the law, honors the democratic will of the people, and treats immigration as a privilege rather than a human right — has a good chance of winning over the majority of the country. The New Right can only succeed if they manage to divide and conquer the pro-immigration majority, as they did in 2024; immigration supporters should focus on making common cause with the persuadable center, in order to make sure 2024 isn’t repeated.

That means not treating all immigration skeptics the same. Republicans like John Cornyn, who like to see Indian American kids cheering for Texas football but who hate to see asylum seekers rewarded for illegally crossing the border, should not be lumped in with those who simply see any brown face and think “invader”. Xenophobes exist, and they are growing more powerful within the GOP, but not every Republican voter is a xenophobe, and not every restriction on immigration is xenophobic.

If Democrats understand and accept that fact, I think they will be able to turn the tide.4 Throughout America’s history, pro-immigration forces have won a lot more battles than they’ve lost, but it was never easy. It always required compromise, reassurance, moderation, and coalition-building. This is not the time for Democrats to respond to the maximalism of xenophobes like Bo French with maximalism of their own.


Subscribe now

Share

1

This also applies to the small and rather pitiful number of immigrants who go online and shout that immigration is “replacement” and “invasion”. It will not save them.

2

Not that anyone in the New Right actually cares about the research on this topic, but…It’s actually true that Indians, like basically every group in existence, do have some tendency to hire their co-ethnics, though whether this represents a bias is harder to say. What we do know is that Indians do it much less Vietnamese, Chinese, Mexican, South Korean, Filipino, Polish, or Russian people, but much more than Dominicans, Guatemalans, or Jamaicans.

3

And I say that as someone who grew up in College Station, Texas…

4

Indeed, the tide may already be turning; Trump is now underwater on the immigration issue:

Source: NYT via Sahil Kapur

But 52% to 47% is still a fairly slim margin; Dems can do better than this.

Quoting Mustafa Suleyman

We should not treat models as though they have feelings, preferences, rights, or any entitlement to our welfare. Consciousness is the foundation of our ethical, legal, and political systems. To invite another entity to share any flavor of these rights isn’t justified by the evidence and will make the AI containment and alignment challenge even harder.

Mustafa Suleyman, A warning about ‘model welfare’

Tags: ai-ethics, generative-ai, ai, microsoft, llms

Conferencing, Day 1

So I’m at the European Central Bank, listening to papers about geoeconomics. Above is a screenshot from the livestream, available here (I think).

Much of the research being presented is very technical — I expect eventually to be able to do some translations relevant to current events, but not yet. One remark that did catch my attention, however, was Steve Redding noting one implication of his model with Liu, Yang, and Smith-Worthington (not in the conference draft, but coming): US power — measured “by asking how changes in each country’s domestic interests affect its own actions and those of others” — has depended to an important degree on the strength of its alliances.

Phillips O’Brien, take note.

It’s a bit of a luxury to listen to paper about eigenvectors and trading equilibria with the world on fire, but hey, it’s kind of a break.

AirPods 5 With Wireless Charging Case Works With MagSafe, But Not Magnetically

In my long take yesterday on Apple’s event last week, I wrote that when you pay $20 extra to get the $150 AirPods 5 With Wireless Charging Case, that the case is compatible for inductive charging with “MagSafe, Qi, or Apple Watch pucks”. But the compatibility section of Apple’s tech specs page for AirPods 5 doesn’t list MagSafe:

Works with USB‑C connector, Apple Watch charger, or Qi‑certified chargers

That’s because for Apple, true MagSafe compatibility means magnetic attachment. The AirPods 5 case doesn’t have MagSafe magnets (the case is seemingly too small), only magnets for the Apple Watch puck. AirPods Pro cases have magnets to attach to both pucks. So when you charge AirPods Pro with MagSafe, they snap to the puck. I can snap my AirPods Pro 3 case onto a nearly vertical MagSafe charger, like the Nomad Stand One I keep next to my keyboard. (Great product — you should get one. I have two; the other is on my nightstand.) I can’t charge the AirPods 5 case on that stand because it just falls off.

But if I lay the AirPods 5 case on a horizontal MagSafe puck, it charges just fine. That’s because MagSafe pucks are themselves Qi-compatible. I see why Apple is a stickler for this — the “Mag” in MagSafe carries an obvious meaning — but by not mentioning MagSafe, it’s reasonable to draw the conclusion that the AirPods 5 Wireless Charging Case doesn’t work with MagSafe at all.

 ★ 

Curiosity Postcard Celebrates Rover’s 5,000th Day on Mars

2 Min Read

Curiosity Postcard Celebrates Rover’s 5,000th Day on Mars

NASA’s Curiosity rover traverses the rocky, desert landscape of Mars beneath a soft sky. The scene is captured in striking blue and yellow hues.
PIA26700
Credits: NASA/JPL-Caltech

Description

While parked at a sand ridge nicknamed “Chocolatal,” NASA’s Curiosity Mars rover used its black-and-white navigation cameras to capture panoramas at two times of day. The first was taken on Aug. 30, 2026, at 9:56 a.m. local Mars time; the second was taken on Sep. 2, 2026, at 5:39 p.m. local Mars time. Those dates correspond to the 5,000th and 5,003rd Martian days, or sols, of the mission.

NASA’s Curiosity rover traverses the rocky, desert landscape of Mars beneath a soft sky. The scene is captured in striking blue and yellow hues.
Figure A

Figure A is a lossless version of the image in PNG format.

After being sent back to Earth, the two images were merged together. Color was added for an artistic interpretation of the scene, with blue representing the morning panorama and yellow representing the afternoon one. The resulting “postcard” is similar to past examples created with rover images, such as one taken in November 2021.

The rover’s deck can be seen in the foreground, including its can-shaped UHF antenna, used for sending data to orbiting spacecraft, and its finned Multi-Mission Radioisotope Thermoelectric Generator (MMRTG), a nuclear power source, at its rear. The rover’s tracks can be seen trailing off in the distance. 

Curiosity is in the lower foothills of Mount Sharp, a 3-mile-tall (5-kilometer-tall) mountain that sits within Gale Crater. This image looks down toward the crater floor, with the crater rim barely perceptible on the horizon.

Curiosity was built by NASA’s Jet Propulsion Laboratory, which is managed by Caltech in Pasadena, California. JPL leads the mission on behalf of NASA’s Science Mission Directorate in Washington as part of NASA’s Mars Exploration Program portfolio.

To learn more about Curiosity, visit:

https://science.nasa.gov/mission/msl-curiosity/

The post Curiosity Postcard Celebrates Rover’s 5,000th Day on Mars appeared first on NASA Science.

‘Apple Reference Image: A New Approach for Verified Photography’

Apple Security Research has released a concise, cogent paper describing how Apple Reference Image works, and why they made it. A terrific read. Here’s just one fascinating bit regarding privacy:

Other industry solutions require a photographer or institution to vouch for an image using their own credentials. We are concerned this puts some photographers, such as those operating in conflict zones, in a difficult position; it should not be necessary to forgo anonymity in order to prove image authenticity. We built Apple Reference Image to avoid using an explicit, public credential for photographers, and to avoid even implicit public association between different photos taken by the same sensor. The final reference image is instead signed by Apple’s signing service, after validation by PCC. That signature is backed by Apple’s strongest technical guarantees.

Our implementation also protects the confidentiality of the image itself, including from Apple. Merely capturing a reference image should never expose the actual pixels to Apple or anyone else. We achieve this through the exceptional privacy properties of PCC — the nodes themselves are architected so that not even Apple can access image data, just as Apple cannot see the information processed for Apple Intelligence in PCC. While the revocation service must maintain a private record of photo GUIDs and associated sensors to allow for revocation, it never has access to the image data, and does not allow for public access to this record. And as final revocation checks occur using on-device lists, a device never reveals to anyone which photo it’s looking at in order to find out whether it’s still valid.

 ★ 

September 15, 2026

Seven years ago, on September 15, 2019, after about a six-week hiatus during the summer, I wrote a Facebook post that started:

“Many thanks to all of you who have reached out to see if I’m okay. I am, indeed (aside from having been on the losing end of an encounter with a yellow jacket this afternoon!). I’ve been moving, setting up house, and finishing the new book. Am back and ready to write, but now everything seems like such a dumpster fire it’s very hard to know where to start. So how about a general overview of how things at the White House look to me, today....”

I wrote a review of Trump’s apparent mental decline amidst his faltering presidency, stonewalling of investigations of potential criminal activity by him or his associates, stacking of the courts, and attempting to use the power of the government to help his 2020 reelection.

Then I noted that the chair of the House Intelligence Committee, Representative Adam Schiff (D-CA), had written a letter to the acting director of national intelligence, Joseph Maguire, on Friday, September 13, telling Maguire he knew that a whistleblower had filed a complaint with the inspector general of the intelligence community, who had deemed the complaint “credible” and “urgent.” This meant that the complaint was supposed to be sent on to the House Intelligence Committee. But, rather than sending it to the House as the law required, Maguire had withheld it. Schiff’s letter told Maguire that he’d better hand it over. Schiff speculated that Maguire was covering up evidence of crimes by the president or his closest advisors.

And I added: “None of this would fly in America if the Senate, controlled by Majority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, were not aiding and abetting him.”

“This is the story of a dictator on the rise,” I wrote, “taking control of formerly independent branches of government, and using the power of his office to amass power.”

Readers swamped me with questions. So I wrote another post answering them and trying to explain the news, which began breaking at a breathtaking pace.

And so these Letters from an American were born.

Seven years later, we are approaching the midpoint of Trump’s second term, and the patterns I saw seven years ago are slicing to the heart of both the mechanics and the soul of the United States.

In that first letter where I warned of rising authoritarianism, I wrote: “So what do those of us who love American democracy do? Make noise. Take up oxygen…. Defend what is great about this nation: its people, and their willingness to innovate, work, and protect each other. Making America great has never been about hatred or destruction or the aggregation of wealth at the very top; it has always been about building good lives for everyone on the principle of self-determination. While we have never been perfect, our democracy is a far better option than the autocratic oligarchy Trump is imposing on us.”

And we have made noise, and we have taken up oxygen. All across the country, people have stepped up to defend our democracy from those who are open about their plans to destroy it and install a dictator. Democrats and Republicans as well as people previously unaligned, we have reiterated why democracy matters.

If you are tired from the last seven years, you have earned the right to be.

And yet you are still here, reading, commenting, protesting, articulating a new future for the nation. And I am proud to be among you.

I write these letters because I love America. I am staunchly committed to the principle of human self-determination for people of all races, genders, abilities, and ethnicities: the idea that we all have the right to work to become whatever we wish. I believe that American democracy has the potential to be the form of government that comes closest to bringing that principle to reality. And I know that achieving that equality depends on a government shaped by fact-based debate rather than by extremist ideology and false narratives.

And so I write.

I have come to understand that I am simply the translator for the sentiments shared by millions of people who are finding each other and giving voice to the principles of democracy. Your steadfast interest, curiosity, critical thinking, and especially your kindness—to me and to one another—illustrate that we have not only the power, but also the passion, to reinvent our nation.

To those who read these letters, send tips, proofread, criticize, comment, argue, worry, cheer, award medals, and support me and one another: I thank you for bringing me along on this wild, unexpected, exhausting, and exhilarating journey.

Share

Politics Chat, September 15, 2026

Retired judge J. Michael Luttig warned that House Speaker Mike Johnson could install a loyalist clerk to refuse to seat duly elected Democrats after the 2026 midterms, paralyzing the House. The Supreme Court ruled that the administration cannot implement its mail-in ballot screening program before the midterms. Of 30 lawsuits seeking state voter rolls, Trump has now lost all 23 that have been decided, including before judges he appointed. Iran-backed Houthi forces seized the Bab el-Mandeb Strait on Yemen’s Red Sea coast and struck a Saudi pipeline, compounding the oil crisis caused by Iran’s closure of the Strait of Hormuz. Diesel prices have surpassed 6 dollars a gallon, the highest on record. Anthropic’s CEO published an essay warning that AI development needs stronger regulation, drawing pushback from the administration. ProPublica reported that a Russian oligarch close to Vladimir Putin bankrolled Donald Trump Jr.’s wedding celebration. The New Yorker reported that Jared Kushner has been negotiating a Ukraine peace deal trading Ukrainian territory for Trump family business rights in Russia.

Watch today’s live recording here.

Listen on Apple Podcasts
Listen on Spotify

Get full, free access to Letters from an American here.

You can also find Heather:
YouTube
Bluesky
Instagram
Facebook
Threads
TikTok

Purple Haze Aurora

Green and purple aurora and white airglow arc above Earth’s limb and the scattered city lights of Central Asia in a nighttime photo taken from the International Space Station.

One of the inspirations for Jimi Hendrix’s iconic 1967 hit “Purple Haze” is said to be the sci-fi novel Night of Light, about a distant planet in a binary star system. Every seven years, the story goes, the stars bathe the planet in a bizarre purple radiance with the power to rearrange physical reality in profound and unexpected ways. The atmosphere’s purple glow, for instance, turned some people into trees and brought statues to life.

It’s perhaps fitting, then, for an astronaut on the International Space Station to invoke the iconic song after witnessing the aurora illuminate Earth’s atmosphere with ethereal greens, reds, and purples. Hendrix would have “rejoiced” at the “brilliant purple,” NASA astronaut Jessica Meir posted on September 8. It “makes me want to kiss the sky,” she added in a nod to the lyrics of the Hendrix song.

The photograph above is one of many that the astronauts took on September 7, 2026, as they orbited an atmosphere quivering with color. The station was at an altitude of 255 miles (411 kilometers) and above Kyrgyzstan when the photo was taken. Stacking several of the photos also yielded a long-exposure series in which the aurora’s green glow mingles with star trails, moonlight, passing satellites, and city lights in a dazzling jumble of illumination.

Aurora is the Latin word for “dawn” and also the name of the Roman goddess of the dawn. Its use in reference to the atmospheric phenomenon likely comes from Europeans living far from the Arctic Circle, who would have experienced the aurora as a faint red glow to the north, resembling the reddish glow in the east at dawn.

The colorful phenomenon typically starts when the Sun sends charged particles toward Earth through solar flares, coronal mass ejections (CMEs), or an active solar wind. These particles interact with the magnetosphere—the invisible, comet-shaped bubble of magnetic field lines surrounding the planet—compressing and changing the configuration of the magnetic field. In the process, some particles within the field are drawn into Earth’s upper atmosphere, where they excite nitrogen and oxygen atoms and molecules, causing them to release photons.

The aurora Meir photographed occurred amid a disturbance associated with a high-speed stream of solar wind from a coronal hole and the lingering effects of multiple coronal mass ejections, according to updates from NOAA’s Space Weather Prediction Center. These solar wind disturbances interacted with Earth’s magnetosphere, causing minor (G1) geomagnetic storms.

The colors of auroras are influenced by the type of gas involved and the altitude at which they occur in the atmosphere. Oxygen excited to different energy levels can produce green and red. Green occurs roughly between 60 and 120 miles (100 and 200 kilometers) altitude, and red occurs above 120 miles (200 kilometers). Excited nitrogen gas, from about 60 to 120 miles (100 to 200 kilometers), glows blue or pink depending on the type and energy of the particles it interacts with. Sometimes, the light emitted by gases can appear to mix, making the auroras seem purple, pink, or even white.

While auroras can occur any time of the year, astronauts are especially likely to enjoy the light shows in the spring and fall, around the equinoxes. That’s because the geometry of Earth’s magnetic field relative to the solar wind makes it especially favorable for transferring solar-wind energy into the magnetosphere, a phenomenon known as the Russell-McPherron effect.

This isn’t the only example of Jimi Hendrix’s music making an impression beyond Earth. A selection of Hendrix’s music touched down on the Moon in 2024 with the Odysseus lander. Another Hendrix song, “Voodoo Chile,” made the list of wake-up songs for STS-110, according to a report from NASA’s History Division.

Astronaut photograph ISS075-E-88592 was acquired on September 7, 2026, with a Nikon Z9 digital camera using a focal length of 15 millimeters. It is provided by the ISS Crew Earth Observations Facility and the Earth Science and Remote Sensing Unit at NASA Johnson Space Center. The image was taken by a member of the Expedition 75 crew. The image has been cropped and enhanced to improve contrast, and lens artifacts have been removed. The International Space Station Program supports the laboratory as part of the ISS National Lab to help astronauts take pictures of Earth that will be of the greatest value to scientists and the public, and to make those images freely available on the internet. Additional images taken by astronauts and cosmonauts can be viewed at the NASA/JSC Gateway to Astronaut Photography of Earth. Story by Adam Voiland.

References & Resources

You may also be interested in:

Stay up-to-date with the latest content from NASA as we explore the universe and discover more about our home planet.

A Moonlit Earth as Seen From Artemis II
4 min read

An astronaut’s photo, taken en route to the Moon, reveals our planet and its place in space in a novel…

Article
Great Balls of Fire
4 min read

An astronaut on the International Space Station was surprised to photograph a shower of light streaking through the darkness while…

Article
The World Cup From 250 Miles Up
4 min read

Over the years, astronauts aboard the International Space Station have photographed several of the cities hosting the 2026 FIFA World…

Article

The post Purple Haze Aurora appeared first on NASA Science.

A Treasure Chest in the Carina Nebula

A Treasure Chest in the Carina Nebula A Treasure Chest in the Carina Nebula