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So, Sonja Shaw has conceded after a failed race to become California’s state superintendent of public instruction, noting that “I don’t know exactly what God has next, but I know He isn’t finished.”
I asked God if She’d like to offer Her thoughts on it all. She submitted this guest piece …
First, to clear this up for the 124,432,567,543,778,765,444th time, it’s she.
Second, there are people who believe I am in control of everything—and they would be correct. For I am God—the all powerful. And that is why, when she was but a girl, I noted the unfortunate satanic ways of Sonja Shaw, and had her mother “accidentally” drop her on the head in the Ralph’s parking lot at 12835 Mountain Ave. in Chino. I believed this would knock the evil out of young Sonja, but, alas, it instead brought the world a full-fledged wobegon demon child.
And you might ask, in your simple human ways, “God, why did You not fix things? For You are God.” The answer: Girl, I tried. Seven days later, I had Sonja’s mother yet again drop her daughter on the head—this time outside the Chaparral 300 bowling alley, where the lanes are smooth and the parking lot is concrete. In all My holiness, I figured this would reverse the damage, and bring young Sonja closer to goodness and compassion. The same double-drop approach had worked for many of my flock in the past, including Duran Duran lead singer Simon Le Bon, three Sturgeon Bay-based postal workers, Captain Kangaroo, the Keebler Elf, Mother Teresa, Walter Mondale and one-time Cleveland Indians slugger Gorman Thomas.
Alas, Sonja was different. Darker. Sinisterly embedded. The second drop made her increasingly rabid and wild. Less human, more like a grossly dispositioned one-eyed street raccoon. And, in that moment, I thought (again, in all My splendor) that I must—once and for all—find a way to repair this sad creature. I’d have someone drop her on the head yet again, and she would be, at long last, repaired …
At that precise moment, however, episode six of the first season of “Perfect Strangers” was set to air—the one where Balki arranges a surprise birthday party for Larry.
So, um … eh … ugh …
I forgot.
Glub.
I am God.
I am all powerful.
I created the world.
I (sigh) love network television.
After that, well, I started finding Sonja Shaw to be wildly entertaining. I know … I know. God! How could You? But the shit was really funny. The high school ham sandwich incident. That time she drank from the brown puddle. The time she took her Uncle Frank to the prom. The time she took her Uncle Frank to the prom, failing to realize one day Uncle Frank would be Aunt Francine. The time she decided to work at a gym instead of attending college. The time she wrote a fan-girl letter to Anson Williams, thinking it was Scott Baio. The time that one guy mistakenly asked her directions, and wound up imprisoned within a 25-minute rant on how the Oompa Loompas are all trans kids. The time (yesterday) she swore 2x2=17.
Life gets boring up here, even for God. Sonja Shaw has offered Me the gifts of levity and laughter; joy and schtick.
So, technically, Sonja Shaw is right—I am not finished. At the risk of providing spoilers, I have some big plans. “Sonja! The Musical”—starring Nathan Lane at The Diversionary! The Chino Trans Appreciation Parade and Festival on June 10—to mark Sonja’s birthday! Cakes shaped like boobs! Books about gay couples holding hands! And even some new super-cool hats!
Sonja, my child, God is sorry She got distracted from fixing your grotesque ways.
God, however, still loves you.
Especially when you lose.
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Incoming chair of the House Judiciary Committee Jamie Raskin (D-MD) posted today: “House Democrats are in the fight to bring government back from the brink of authoritarianism. We will shine a light on President Trump’s quid pro quo, coin-operated, pay-to-play corruption and renew American government as an instrument for the common good.”
Raskin told MS NOW that he intends to subpoena the law firms that struck deals with Trump to learn more about alleged coercion from Trump. He also said he intends to investigate Attorney General Todd Blanche for his refusal to produce documents required by the Epstein Files Transparency Act and for the Department of Justice’s persecution of those Trump considers enemies, including James Comey, Letitia James, Adam Schiff, Mark Kelly, Maggie Goodlander, and Jason Crow.
Raskin also told Greg Sargent of The New Republic that the Judiciary Committee will work with Democratic appropriators to defund Trump’s corrupt prosecutions. “We have the power of the purse,” Raskin told Sargent. “We’ll be working closely with our Appropriations Committee partners to make sure that we’re doing everything we can to cut off money that is being used for political harassment and persecution.”
Representative Robert Garcia (D-CA) is in line to chair the House Oversight and Reform Committee. Yesterday, he told reporters the committee would focus on four major areas. The first is “the Trump crime family.” Garcia noted that a Russian oligarch paid for Don Jr.’s wedding party, the Saudis invested $2 billion in Jared Kushner’s business, and Eric Trump is on the board of companies that are getting Pentagon contracts. Trump himself has pocketed billions from crypto schemes.
The other three areas on which the committee will focus are the Department of Homeland Security and the abuses of Immigrations and Customs Enforcement, corporate corruption, and those associated with sex abuser Jeffrey Epstein.
Eamon Javers of CNBC reported today that “Sen[ator] Ron Wyden’s Finance Committee staff intend to dig into JP Morgan’s relationship with Jeffrey Epstein, with a particular focus on the conduct of high ranking executives and their handling of the bank’s relationship with the disgraced financier.”
Yesterday the Senate posted new job listings, including one for an attorney to lead the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee’s work on “government ethics and anti-corruption legislation and to participate in the Committee’s oversight and investigations work.”
Gabe Kaminsky of CBS News reported today that Democrats plan to investigate the finances behind Trump’s presidential library. Last March, Trump said he doesn’t “believe in building libraries or museums” and that the building is “most likely going to be a hotel.” Nonetheless, Trump’s foundation, which is run by Trump’s son Eric and son-in-law Michael Boulos, told the IRS it was building a library.
The foundation says it will raise $950 million by the end of 2027. Money has poured into the foundation from companies Trump sued and that settled based on promises to contribute to the fund. People eager to avoid Trump’s wrath have also contributed. A former advisor told Kaminsky: “The library is one of the last few places he can squeeze people for money.”
Meanwhile, Trump appears to be acting, as President Abraham Lincoln once said of Major General William S. Rosecrans, “confused and stunned, like a duck hit on the head.” He has remained largely quiet about the election but is continuing to talk about his projects in Washington, D.C. Apparently afraid those projects will now come to a halt, he wanted his triumphal arch approved today so work could start immediately. Tonight his hand-picked commission voted as Trump wanted, agreeing to approve the arch, but just before midnight, Judge Tanya Chutkan stopped construction for fourteen days.
This afternoon, in his first action after the election, Trump issued an executive order designating the Oval Office and Cabinet room of the White House a “national landmark” and federal landmark” to prevent future presidents from altering them. He told reporters he wanted to “make it impossible for anybody to ever destroy this incredible space.”
Although the nation’s founders envisioned the Executive Mansion—it wouldn’t officially be called the “White House” until 1901—as a modest space that demonstrated the president was not a king, Trump has splashed so much gold frippery around the place former president Barack Obama joked during the campaign that it looked like “Saddam Hussein opened a Cheesecake Factory.”
While the president focuses on his legacy, the rest of MAGA appears to be panicking. The right wing is trying to blame Tuesday’s wipe-out on the Iran War, or on Vice President J.D. Vance’s negotiation of the disastrous memorandum of understanding that last June turned the conflict from an upfront clash into a simmering conflict.
But polls before the election showed that although the American people were upset about many things, at the top of their complaints about the Trump administration was corruption. Fittingly, the value of Trump’s social media company and his meme coin plummeted yesterday after the results of the election became clear. Annie Massa of Bloomberg noted that the dramatic drops suggest that investors “may be anxious about the implications of the election for the businesses with links to the president, which are now expected to receive fresh congressional oversight.”
The idea of oversight appears to be worrying people other than investors, and some appear to be thinking not of the American people, but of how to get themselves out of the range of fallout from Tuesday’s losses.
Today Harmeet K. Dhillon resigned from the Department of Justice, where she dismantled the department’s Civil Rights Division, the central cause for which Congress created the department in 1870. As Perry Stein and Jeremy Roebuck of the Washington Post report, on her watch, more than half the lawyers in the division and hundreds of career staffers left. Rather than continuing the work of protecting vulnerable minorities from discrimination, she turned the department to pushing Trump’s social agenda, including purging the country of “woke ideology.”
Matt Cohen and Yunior Rivas of Democracy Docket recall that under Dhillon, the administration stopped defending voting rights. Dhillon also led the administration’s effort to take control of states’ voter rolls and pushed the Republicans’ extraordinary mid-decade redistricting campaign.
Outgoing Representative Thomas Massie (R-KY) posted today that when Congress returns next week, he expects to get the necessary signatures for a discharge petition to force a vote on the Epstein Files Transparency Act II. That measure will enable survivors to get their own records, state attorneys general to prosecute crimes, and Congress to sue the Department of Justice “for keeping critical files hidden.”
Massie also vowed to force a vote to impeach Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth when the House returns to work next week, and “multiple” Republican sources told Adam Cancryn, Sarah Ferris, Zachary Cohen, and Alayna Treene of CNN that they think the measure will pass. Massie added on social media that the one condition under which he won’t reintroduce the articles of impeachment against Hegseth is if Hegseth resigns first.
Hegseth promptly posted a video in which he sounded panicked. He appeared to be appealing to Trump, in which he called the impeachment articles a “sham” and added: “Just like they tried against President Trump, twice…. Didn’t work against President Trump, and it won’t work with me.”
The word corruption, in this case, is not just about laws being broken, but about the old fashioned idea that the body politic has been “corrupted”—the old word for a physical disease—by money. That sort of corruption is also under the microscope now.
Michelle Goldberg of the New York Times noted today that the only person who took a bigger hit on Tuesday than Donald Trump was billionaire Elon Musk. Musk poured almost a half a billion dollars into the election in an attempt to preserve Republican control of the Senate and to guarantee that Texas stayed in the hands of Republicans.
Goldberg recalls that Musk almost single-handedly funded the campaign of Republican Senate candidate Ken Paxton, Texas’s current attorney general, whose opponent, Democrat James Talarico, won the election by 12 points. She also notes that it sometimes seemed that Talarico was running against Musk as much as he was against Paxton, at one point telling a rally: “Elon Musk wants our land. He wants our water. He wants our tax dollars. He wants his very own personal United States senator.” Governor-elect Gina Hinojosa also called attention to Musk’s power in the state through his relationship to Texas governor Greg Abbott.
The election made it very clear that the American people do not want the data center build-out Republicans have touted. Today tech firms lost billions of dollars in market value as investors worried about regulation of an industry in which investment was already faltering because of concerns that the industry would not deliver the returns leaders promised. As Rachel Clun and Osmond Chia of the BBC reported, Nvidia lost $400 billion, more than 9%, from its market value. Elon Musk’s SpaceX and Tesla together lost more than $300 billion in market value.
The seven tech companies called the “magnificent seven,” including Apple, Nvidia, and Tesla, lost a trillion dollars today. The Nasdaq composite, the index of publicly traded information technology companies, lost almost $2.5 trillion.
The election saw a quiet but dramatic move to address the corruption of money in politics. On Tuesday, voters in Montana overwhelmingly approved a ballot initiative to stop the flow of corporate money into political campaigns. The measure echoes a law passed in Hawaii in May but is the first to go directly to voters.
Rather than going after the political spending that the Supreme Court’s 2010 Citizens’ United v. Federal Elections Commission decision protected, the plan capitalizes on the fact that corporations are created by states. It simply says that the state can deny the power of corporations, trade associations, nonprofits, and other “artificial persons” to donate to political causes. Businesses chartered in other states can’t spend political money in the state.
Only 34.5% of Montana voters opposed the measure. More than 65% voted yes.
Eric Petry of the Brennan Center for Justice, which protects voting rights, told Mike Leonard and Jordan Fischer of Bloomberg Law: “The fact that this passed with near-supermajority support in a very red state shows how deeply upset the public is about the role of money in politics.”
—
Notes:
https://www.cbsnews.com/news/trump-library-democratic-congress/
https://newrepublic.com/post/217666/jamie-raskin-warns-law-firms-donald-trump
https://www.ms.now/news/todd-blanche-impeachment-house-democrats-jamie-raskin
https://careers.employment.senate.gov/jobs
https://www.cbsnews.com/news/trump-arch-approval-national-capital-planning-commission/
https://finance.yahoo.com/markets/stocks/articles/trump-media-falls-time-low-172631369.html
https://www.cnn.com/2026/11/04/politics/pete-hegseth-impeachment-trump
https://thehill.com/policy/defense/6202467-hegseth-massie-impeachment-threat/
https://www.nytimes.com/2026/11/05/opinion/elon-musk-midterms-trump-results.html
https://www.npr.org/2026/11/03/g-s1-148943/texas-senate-race-james-talarico
https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cmn04705rd8jo
https://news.bloomberglaw.com/esg/montana-bans-dark-money-setting-up-challenge-to-citizens-united
https://news.bloomberglaw.com/esg/dark-money-critics-wield-corporate-law-against-citizens-united-4
https://www.cnn.com/2026/11/04/politics/pete-hegseth-impeachment-trump
X:
EamonJavers/status/2118356349604044882
RepThomasMassie/status/2118333083581661676
RepThomasMassie/status/2118151572391940590
Bluesky:
raskin.house.gov/post/3mzlgfxntlc22
gregsargent.bsky.social/post/3mzlzcqyxpc2u
jeanpocket.bsky.social/post/3mzl36umamk2d
joshtpm.bsky.social/post/3mzlnlnzi2227
resjudicata22.bsky.social/post/3mzlpaum3fk2m
newsjennifer.bsky.social/post/3mzm4tzwqg22m
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SpaceX will deploy another batch of satellites for a clandestine U.S. Space Force program on a Falcon 9 rocket to launch from California Friday afternoon.
Liftoff from pad 4E at Vandenberg Space Force Base is scheduled for 4:48 p.m. PST (7:48 p.m. EST / 0048 UTC). The rocket will take a south-easterly trajectory on departure from the central California coast. The flight was originally scheduled for Nov. 1 but was delayed repeatedly, first due to delays of the Starlink 15-18 launch, and then for reasons that were not disclosed.
Spaceflight Now will have live coverage starting about 30 minutes prior to launch.
The mission is designated USSF-432 but is also identified as R-4 in public documents. This series of ‘R’ missions began Aug. 16 with USSF-366. More launches in the sequence followed with USSF-153 (R-2) on Sept. 10 and USSF-385 (R3) on Sept. 26.
Each R launch has placed 23 satellites in orbit, according to orbital catalog entries. They are thought to be based on SpaceX’s Starshield platform, the government version of the Starlink satellite.
According to Jonathan McDowell, the respected tracker of space launches, the R satellites are part of the U.S. Space Force’s Space Based Sensing and Targeting program.
Officially, the Space Force has declined to provide any information about the missions.
The Falcon 9 first stage booster, B1095, is making its eighth flight and is scheduled to land on the drone ship ‘Of Course I Still Love You,’ which will be stationed in the Pacific Ocean off the coast of Baja California, Mexico.

I was watching a snarky YouTube video where a watch influencer was ranking all watch brands. He labeled Christopher Ward his favorite emerging indie brand. So here we go.
It’s got Tudor-esque chonk on both the markers and the hands. The ceramic bezel is a work of art — one of those you have to feel with your hands. The face, the asphalt vibes of a Patek, is compelling. I am a known sucker for a splash of orange, and there are multiple splashes to love. V-strap? Possible mistake. Jury is out.
Failing Grades for ODOT. The Oregon Department of Transportation gets an “F” from a leading transportation advocacy group, with failing marks for safety and state of repair.
Transportation for America graded each of the 50 states on a range of metrics showing how well they acheive basic objectives. In the leading categories safety, (measured by the fatality rate) and maintenance (proxied by the share of roads and bridges in good condition), Oregon was graded as failing. Only in investments in alternate modes (transit, active transportation), did Oregon manage a passing grade.

This comes on top of Oregon’s ranking from the Pew Center for having the second largest maintenance backlog of any state, and its record-setting performance of having three of the four most expensive highway construction projects in the nation.
Key California races swing on housing. Two avowedly YIMBY candidates won major electoral victories in the Golden State. State Senator Scott Wiener won the race to succeed retiring Congresswoman Nancy Pelosi for the seat representing San Francisco. In Los Angeles, challenged Nithya Raman defeated incumbent Karen Bass, and will become the city’s new Mayor. Both races drew clear lines between progressive YIMBY advocates (Raman and Wiener) and old guard NIMBYs Bass and San Francisco Councilor Connie Chan.
The LAist highlighted the big differences between Bass and Raman on housing, noting that Mayor Bass had actively opposed key state legislation to require upzoning near transit (a measure authored by Wiener). They wrote:
Raman’s positions on some major housing policies offer a stark contrast with Bass. Before it was signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom last year, Bass opposed SB 79, a recent state law that overrides local zoning restrictions to allow more housing density near major public transit lines. She said the law could “disproportionately impact low-resource neighborhoods.” A majority of the City Council joined Bass in opposing SB 79. But Raman, who until recently chaired the City Council’s Housing and Homelessness Committee, voted against the council’s opposition, saying state lawmakers were right to push reluctant city officials toward permitting more homes.
In San Francisco, differences on housing were the salient dividing line between the candidates. The San Francisco Standard emphasized this in their election result coverage.
Wiener ran on his lengthy legislative record, which focused on increasing the production of market-rate housing in California during his time in the state Legislature. . . While Chan pitched herself as a champion of affordable housing and tenant protections, Wiener successfully painted her record as anti-growth, highlighting her opposition to new, taller housing developments and transit projects.
That was echoed in the geography of the San Francisco vote–Chan did best in the city’s Western neighborhoods (lower density, with more homeonwers), while Wiener did best in higher density areas with more renters.

The November, 2026 election will be remembered nationally as a watershed moment repudiating Donald Trump. Developments in California may signal a similar repudiation of NIMBY politics, if favor of more progressive efforts to expand housing supply.
A new map of red states and blue states. Tuesday’s election changed America’s political map. Stephen Wolf of DownBallot.com has a pair of maps showing how Tuesday’s election results shifted partisan control of state governments across the nation. Going into the election, 42 percent of American’s lived in states controlled by Republicans (holding both the Governorship and majorities in both houses of the legislature) compared to just 39 percent controlled by Democrats.

That changed dramatically. Starting in early 2027, more than half of the nation’s population will live in states where the Democrats hold the governor’s office and both houses of the legislature, about double the 24 percent of the population living in Republican controlled states.
Making the most of congestion. To hear most highway engineers tell it, you would believe that traffic congestion is a very serious problem, about which they must do something to solve, urgently and at great expense. But as we all know, with one formidable exception (and more about that later), highway engineers are actively doing things that inevitably make congestion worse. Tongue firmly in cheek, Beth Osborne, highlights various strategies of “congestion maximization” which are actually being practices by highway departments around the country.
For decades, transportation agencies across the country at all levels of government have been trying to reduce traffic congestion by adding roadway capacity. This has backfired spectacularly . . . . But they have not changed their strategy, and most elected officials and many taxpayers and stakeholders (many who make money off this system) have been totally undeterred by this total failure. That’s the spirit! Fundamentally, maximizing congestion requires that we keep as many people as possible on the road, preferably alone in separate vehicles, for as long as possible.
Osborne calls it the “Congestion Maximization Playbook” and enumerates a wide range of counter-productive practices, including maximizing vehicle throughput, emphasizing speed, constructing circuitous and hierarchical roadway systems, ignoring safety concerns, and biased funding arrangements. These deeply ingrained and largely unquestioned features of the system perpetuate congestion. Meanwhile, highway agencies resolutely avoid implementing the one best practice that has been shown to dramatically and quickly reduce congestion: road-pricing. When it comes to traffic congestion, its as if the fire department is being run by arsonists.
The Oregon Department of Transportation gets an “F” from a leading transportation advocacy group, with failing marks for safety and state of repair.
Transportation for America graded each of the 50 states on a range of metrics showing how well they acheive basic objectives. In the leading categories safety, (measured by the fatality rate) and maintenance (proxied by the share of roads and bridges in good condition), Oregon was graded as failing. Only in investments in alternate modes (transit, active transportation), did Oregon manage a passing grade.

This comes on top of Oregon’s ranking from the Pew Center for having the second largest maintenance backlog of any state, and its record-setting performance of having three of the four most expensive highway construction projects in the nation.
In short, the Oregon Department of Transportation is broke, and broken. It’s having to slash its own staff, and doesn’t have enough to maintain or operate the road system, even as it commits to squandering billions of dollars for bloated megaprojects for which it has no available funding.
These priorities fly in the face of what Oregonians want. By more than a four-to-one margin Oregonians rejected a fuel tax and fee increases to bail out ODOT. And ODOT’s construction priorities are completely out of step with Oregonians strong and repeated desire to put dollars first and foremost into maintaining and preserving the existing road system, according to ODOT’s own surveys.
October 2026 was a rather bad month for software civilization. By the end of it, cybersecurity professionals were talking about Black October, and the more colorful term vulnopocalypse was also making the rounds. An alarming succession of vulnerabilities had been uncovered in the foundations of the planetary software stack, many with the assistance of frontier AI models. Software maintainers were scrambling to patch systems, security teams were struggling to keep up with disclosures, and a growing number of people were wondering whether the global software stack had become fundamentally indefensible.
Something like a dramatic climax arrived on October 29, when attackers compromised cryptocurrency exchange Binance in an incident involving approximately $6.34 billion in digital assets. The eventual net loss is still being established, but the scale was extraordinary. According to Binance’s November 3 preliminary account, the operation had been prepared over months through fake recruitment interviews, malicious software downloads, compromised developer workstations, and most significantly, the exploitation of an internal AI tool. The attackers eventually obtained credentials allowing them to manipulate wallet-signing infrastructure and initiate unauthorized transfers. Binance said the FBI had attributed the attack to North Korea.
Once inside, the attackers turned parts of Binance’s own cryptographic security machinery against it. On Ethereum, they exploited EIP-7702’s mechanism for delegated execution to establish permissions allowing a malicious smart contract to act on behalf of a compromised wallet. These permissions persisted on the blockchain independently of the exchange’s ordinary withdrawal machinery. Even after Binance shut down withdrawals, previously established authorizations still had to be revoked on-chain. Multiparty cryptographic signing, normally an important security measure, complicated that emergency response because there was no single private key that could simply be used to take back control.
Meanwhile, stolen assets were disappearing into a thicket of cryptocurrency transactions at warp speed. Automated software split funds among wallets, moved them across chains, and exchanged them through decentralized services at a blistering pace, through tens of thousands of smaller individual transactions. Elliptic’s forensic analysis found unmistakable signs of automation but no clear signs of autonomous AI decision-making. Some scripts stubbornly repeated failed operations, suggesting no AI was managing the live process, even if one had perhaps been used to design the scripts.
One can imagine how much harder the chase might become when future laundering agents are both fast and adaptive, capable of recognizing blocked routes, improvising alternatives, and responding to investigators as quickly as investigators respond to them. The possibility is unsettling precisely because the observed operation still had such obvious limitations, and clear headroom for improvement.
Yet the defenders were hardly helpless. The transparency of public blockchains helped investigators trace the movements, while issuers, exchanges, and other institutions could freeze or intercept some assets. Binance reported that approximately $2.85 billion had been frozen or intercepted by November 3, subject to reconciliation, and committed to covering customer losses. Frozen assets, recovered assets, and the attackers’ spendable proceeds are three different quantities, and the final accounting remained unsettled.
There was something almost perversely elegant about the episode. Cryptographic protocols simultaneously aided the attackers, constrained the defenders, and enabled containment. AI tooling appeared in the intrusion path and in the exchange’s subsequent defensive upgrades. Automated financial machinery carried out a sprawling contest over billions of dollars, with human engineers and investigators attempting to contain an intricate system of interacting permissions and economic incentives.
The incident offered a vivid illustration of what I’ve been thinking about as a pair of technological evil twins: AI as an irresistible force, and cryptographic protocols as immovable objects, characterized by a property we will call hardness.
Intelligence and hardness are general-purpose capabilities/affordances available to competing participants in sufficiently complex computational ecologies. The consequences of their interplay depend on the relationships they enter into, the authorities they acquire, and the interests they serve. A cryptographic commitment can be a hard guarantee for an honest participant or a stubbornly enforceable advantage for a thief. There is no simple mapping between how intelligence and hardness manifest in a particular contest. The abstract duality gets remarkably messy on the ground.
The rest of Black October suggested that Binance was just a particularly revealing episode in a much larger transformation. AI-assisted vulnerability research on PHP, alongside reports involving Brotli and other widely deployed components, was exposing weaknesses in software that most users never encounter directly. Researchers uncovered a Linux networking vulnerability, and Anthropic reported that a model had constructed a working remote-root exploit against a particular configuration in less than an hour. Another critical UEFI firmware flaw appeared beneath the operating systems and security tools on which server administrators normally rely. AI developer platforms themselves were attracting attacks as their credentials and access became increasingly valuable.
These incidents followed months of expanding AI-assisted vulnerability research, including Anthropic’s Project Glasswing, which organized work on critical software with major technology partners. The new bottleneck was increasingly evident: finding possible weaknesses could be scaled computationally faster than the institutional work of validating, disclosing, prioritizing, patching, testing, and deploying repairs.
The atmosphere recalled the approach to Y2K, with an important difference. There was no single deadline after which everyone could relax. Some newly discovered flaws had been lurking in widely deployed software for years. Others reflected the increasingly intricate architectures of contemporary systems. Many could be repaired through conventional patches, and their exploitability varied enormously. Nevertheless, the collective picture was disturbing. We have built a global civilization on an enormous pile of software developed under the assumption that finding subtle vulnerabilities requires scarce human expertise. The arrival of machines capable of examining that pile with extraordinary patience and ingenuity has abruptly changed the economics of the situation.
I suspect Black October will eventually be remembered as the inciting incident of an epic arc in the history of computing. We are beginning to see the contours of a vast transformation that might unfold as three broad, somewhat overlapping acts.
The first act, which I call Dark Forest Apotheosis, is already underway. The second, Hardness Wars, is taking shape in research laboratories and cryptographic migration projects. The third, Strange Forest, is only beginning to come into view, though its earliest signs are surprisingly concrete.
Together, they suggest that the epic arc is a descent into the computational sublime. The word descent will acquire a more precise meaning as this essay unfolds. For now, it is enough to notice that Black October has brought into view an unexpectedly deep and tangled history and future beneath the apparently smooth surfaces of the digital world. To understand the emerging future, we have to begin descending into layers of reality we rarely think about, and have historically had limited ability to penetrate.
Black October marks a new phase in the evolution of the dark forest metaphor for the internet, based on Cixin Liu’s eponymous trilogy.
In 2019, Yancey Strickler’s dark-forest account of the social web described the growing hostility of public social media, where ordinary expression had become exposed to unpredictable scrutiny, conflict, and punishment. Around the same time, I developed the related idea of the cozyweb, the sprawling collection of private groups, chats, and small online communities into which much social life was retreating. We both contributed to a small anthology on the topic, predating AI.
The metaphor also popped up in the Ethereum ecosystem in 2020, where automated trading bots operating in the blockchain’s public transaction environment were relentlessly exploiting opportunities to extract value. Every visible transaction became a potential opportunity for some faster or more sophisticated participant to intervene. The idea of the Dark Forest captured the imagination of the Ethereum community. One of the most influential early onchain games was called the Dark Forest, where players could try to survive in a harsh ecology inspired by Cixin Liu’s fictional cosmology.
The book club pick for November is a choice between Green Imperialism by Richard H. Grove and The Nutmeg’s Curse by Amitav Ghosh.
These were two rather different dark forests. The social version tagged by Yancey Strickler was organized around attention, reputation, and cultural conflict. The Ethereum version was organized around money, transactions, and automated extraction. In each case, naive participation had become risky at a whole new level, and a new ecology of defensive behaviors and specialized predators had emerged.
Black October suggests that the dark forest condition is expanding to encompass all of software, and everything it touches. We might call this evolution the Dark Forest Apotheosis, the fullest realization yet of an increasingly general condition of adversarial computational life.
A computer connected to the internet has always been exposed to hostile attention, but much of that attention was constrained by the scarcity of skilled hackers, the presence of defenders with generally superior skills, and the economics of manual investigation.
The new generation of AI systems changes the nature and scale of available attention on both sides.
Increasingly, it becomes practical to subject vast quantities of code to continuous adversarial examination, searching for weaknesses that may have escaped human attention for decades.
The immediate consequences could be unpleasant. Much of the inherited software stack was designed, implemented, and maintained by humans operating under very different constraints. It contains an enormous accumulated inventory of bugs, fragile assumptions, and awkward compromises. An AI-assisted cleanup of this inheritance will expose weaknesses faster than many institutions can comfortably repair them.
Vernor Vinge imagined an exaggerated version of this predicament in his 1999 novel A Deepness in the Sky. In its far-future civilization, code written thousands of years earlier still runs beneath newer layers of software, and the most valuable programmers are effectively archaeologists, excavating the work of predecessors whose assumptions have long been forgotten. Vinge’s picture is fantastic in scale, but its basic predicament is already familiar. A modern security engineer investigating a vulnerable library is often digging through generations of patched-over decisions, interfaces preserved for compatibility, and dependencies nobody understands completely. The irony of AI-assisted vulnerability research is that a technology associated with accelerating the future is also making us confront more of the past. The software stack has roots, and the roots go deep.
But the initial discovery wave is only the beginning. Even after the legacy backlog has been substantially addressed, a persistent dark forest condition seems likely to remain. AI systems will continue generating software, discovering vulnerabilities, developing exploits, and repairing damage. Attack and defense will increasingly operate at machine speed.
There is a Jevons paradox lurking here. As software becomes cheaper to produce and easier to secure, we are already responding by producing vastly more of it, attempting more ambitious projects with less expertise, and connecting more things together in unexpected ways, expanding threat surfaces in a continuous combinatorial explosion.
Improvements in security per unit of software get rapidly consumed by expanding exposure to a harsher computational environment. We may be headed towards a world where pieces of software are becoming individually much more secure, but have to inhabit an environment that is becoming more than proportionately dangerous.
The resulting ecology will produce interesting adaptations. One might be the growth of what I think of as cozy code: small, idiosyncratic software systems written for particular users and purposes, with tightly bounded exposure to the larger internet. Their advantages might include minimal dependencies, restricted permissions, local-only operation, and the ability to be discarded and regenerated cheaply when compromised. In a world where code is inexpensive, rebuilding may become as natural a defensive strategy as patching.
At the other extreme, large shared systems may become exceptionally well defended through relentless adversarial testing. We may see a growing contrast between heavily fortified public infrastructure and small, disposable, privately maintained computational environments. Both strategies could flourish, along with a variety of intermediate forms.
The economic consequences deserve particular attention.
Ethereum introduced the concept of Maximal Extractable Value, or MEV, to describe economic opportunities available to actors who can influence the ordering and execution of transactions. I think the emerging software dark forest will acquire an analogous property as it heads towards its apotheosis, which we might call Hacker Extractable Value, or HEV.
Any software environment containing exploitable weaknesses represents a collection of potential opportunities to extract value. These might involve stealing assets, acquiring confidential information, extorting operators, or obtaining some strategic advantage. As automated vulnerability discovery becomes pervasive, the economic significance of these opportunities will become increasingly difficult to ignore.
HEV has a particularly nasty property: the value lost by a victim can greatly exceed the value gained by an attacker. Consider the Binance case. Billions of dollars in assets were affected, but substantial amounts were frozen or intercepted, and the proceeds ultimately available to the attackers may be much smaller than the initial exposure. Some assets may remain inaccessible indefinitely or irreversibly stranded; others may be recovered. Meanwhile, the costs of containment, investigation, system replacement, insurance, and institutional disruption accumulate independently of the value successfully stolen. Unavailable or frozen assets are not automatically destroyed wealth, but they reveal the gap between extraction, realization, and economic damage.
A pickpocket who steals a hundred dollars generally acquires something close to the hundred dollars the victim loses. A hacker can impose a hundred dollars of damage while realizing only a few dollars in proceeds. A state-sponsored attacker pursuing strategic disruption may be perfectly satisfied with no financial return at all, or even accept a net cost for an attack in order to impose an asymmetrically larger cost on an adversary.
This produces an unpleasant economic environment in which incentives to attack can persist even when profitable extraction is sharply constrained or even rendered unprofitable. Systems may become extremely good at preventing hackers from exploiting stolen assets while remaining vulnerable to the destruction or temporary immobilization of those assets. The dark forest can therefore be profoundly negative-sum. Its predators may destroy much more value than they consume.
Yet I doubt the optimal long-term response will be to pursue the complete elimination of HEV. A world of continuously generated software will probably require equally continuous adversarial examination. Vulnerability discovery will become an ordinary economic activity, supported by markets for security research, verification, remediation, insurance, and recovery. The important distinction will be between institutions that channel adversarial discovery into productive repair and regeneration and those that reward destructive exploitation.
The mature dark forest will contain predators, scavengers, immune systems, symbionts, and a growing variety of defensive adaptations. Each new layer of defense will itself become part of the inherited terrain, another historical stratum for future inhabitants to explore, exploit, preserve, or replace. Its continued existence will depend on the evolving relationships among them.
This is already a substantial transformation of computing, but I suspect it is mostly a transformation of the software world we have inherited. The deeper intellectual consequences will emerge as the contest between attack and defense pushes beyond the weaknesses of particular programs and begins probing the mathematical foundations of security itself.
One of the strangest facts about our digital civilization is that it depends on the existence of difficult mathematical problems. The second act of our epic arc is already getting started around this strange fact.
Ordinarily, technological progress means making difficult things easier. We build machines to lift heavy objects, develop medicines to overcome biological limitations, and invent algorithms to solve problems that previously required enormous effort. Cryptography reverses this relationship. It allows us to construct useful social and economic arrangements precisely because certain computational tasks are believed to remain prohibitively difficult, with or without AI in the picture.
A cryptographic signature allows me to authorize a transaction while making it extraordinarily difficult for someone else to forge my authorization. Public-key cryptography allows strangers to establish secure communications across networks filled with potentially hostile observers. These capabilities depend on an asymmetry between what legitimate participants can do easily and what an attacker cannot feasibly accomplish.
The remarkable thing is that we do not fully understand the ultimate mathematical foundations of this asymmetry.
In 1995, the computer scientist Russell Impagliazzo described five possible computational worlds, with names that sound as though they belong in an old science-fiction anthology: Algorithmica, Heuristica, Pessiland, Minicrypt, and Cryptomania.
In Algorithmica, even problems that appear extraordinarily difficult can in principle be solved efficiently.
In Heuristica, hard problems exist, but typical instances may be relatively easy.
Pessiland contains genuinely hard problems, but lacks the useful forms of difficulty needed to construct cryptography.
Minicrypt permits certain cryptographic capabilities while denying us the full possibilities of public-key cryptography.
Cryptomania is the comparatively fortunate world in which the powerful cryptographic constructions underlying modern digital civilization are possible.
We have built our world’s infrastructure on the practical assumption that we inhabit something resembling Cryptomania. We have compelling evidence that many particular cryptographic techniques work extremely well. We still lack mathematical proofs establishing which of Impagliazzo’s worlds we inhabit.
This has long been a fascinating theoretical uncertainty. The emergence of AI systems capable of contributing meaningfully to mathematical research is beginning to give it a new urgency. The Dark Forest Apotheosis is largely concerned with finding mistakes in the software humans have written. The Hardness Wars concern the deeper question of whether the mathematical problems protecting our systems are as difficult as we believe.
AI is not the only front on which cryptography faces an assault on its foundations. There has already been an independent source of pressure on cryptography from quantum computing for over a decade. A sufficiently powerful quantum computer could undermine several widely deployed public-key systems. Governments and technology companies are therefore undertaking the enormous task of migrating to post-quantum cryptography, using mathematical constructions believed to resist known quantum attacks. The US National Institute of Standards and Technology finalized three principal post-quantum standards in 2024 and selected HQC as an additional encryption algorithm in 2025, adding mathematical diversity to the transition. It is a sprawling infrastructure project involving financial networks, government communications, secure software updates, identity systems, and countless embedded devices.
Now AI-assisted mathematical research introduces another variable. The new post-quantum systems rely on their own assumptions about computational difficulty. Some involve problems concerning mathematical lattices, others codes or hash functions. Their security against quantum computers is assessed using the best attacks currently known. Future discoveries, including AI-assisted ones, may change those assessments. Quantum computing expands the physical repertoire of computation available to an attacker, while AI-driven research may discover better algorithms within classical or quantum models. These are distinct pressures, but they converge on the same practical question: What sorts of hardness can be trusted?
It is important to distinguish an attack that defeats a particular cryptographic construction from a discovery establishing that secure cryptography is fundamentally impossible. The former is a familiar, if potentially consequential, part of cryptographic history. The latter would transform our understanding of computation itself. Nor does a broken deployed public-key scheme prove that we inhabit Minicrypt or Pessiland; Impagliazzo’s worlds describe deeper possibilities, and the classical taxonomy does not by itself settle what is secure against quantum computation or AI-powered mathematical research.
The foreseeable future may involve a prolonged period of increasingly sophisticated mathematical contests, as AI researchers develop new algorithms, cryptographers invent new defenses, and each side tests the assumptions of the other. We may discover that existing techniques are more robust than expected, that some widely trusted mathematical problems are unexpectedly tractable, or that entirely new families of cryptographic constructions are available. The Hardness Wars need not produce a single decisive victory. They may instead produce successive discoveries and migrations, with increasingly agile security architectures designed to accommodate changing mathematical knowledge.
There is a larger civilizational issue here.
Josh Stark, who developed the concept, has argued that the distinctive property of blockchains is hardness, by which he means the capacity to make aspects of the future dependable enough to make reliable commitments.
Hardness allows people to organize complex relationships around reliable commitments. Physical structures, durable institutions, and cryptographic protocols are different ways of giving otherwise uncertain possibilities a degree of permanence. Computational hardness provides one of the raw materials from which this broader civilizational hardness can be constructed.
This is where the relationship between AI and protocols becomes particularly interesting. Intelligence is oozy and protean where cryptography is hard and immutable. The world’s computational grammar is begin to rest on how the two interact.
The Binance incident already gave us a glimpse of it. Intelligence can be used to discover, create, exploit, or repair mechanisms that make commitments dependable. Protocols can protect legitimate participants, but they can also stabilize advantages acquired by attackers. Both are general-purpose capabilities that acquire their moral and political significance through the relationships in which they participate, and this need not result in simple circumstances. The cosmic contest between irresistible force and immovable object playing out on esoteric mathematical battlefields need not map unambiguously onto human conflicts.
As the Hardness Wars develop, this relationship will become increasingly consequential. Mathematical discoveries will alter the kinds of commitments that can be made reliable. New cryptographic constructions may open possibilities for cooperation that are currently impractical, while unexpected weaknesses could undermine arrangements on which large institutions depend.
The evolution of our future economic life depends on how these wars unfold. Markets depend on an elaborate infrastructure of credible commitments. Property rights, contractual obligations, payment systems, identities, and institutional guarantees allow strangers to coordinate across distances and timescales that would otherwise make cooperation impossible. The Hardness Wars could change the kinds of economic relationships that can be made dependable. Some arrangements may become fragile as their cryptographic assumptions weaken. Others may become practical for the first time as new methods of verification, delegation, and secure coordination emerge.
The resulting economy may become simultaneously more fluid and more rigorously structured. Participants could experiment with increasingly elaborate forms of cooperation while relying on cryptographic and institutional mechanisms to preserve the commitments on which those experiments depend. The forms of wealth available to a society depend partly on the kinds of relationships its technologies and institutions can sustain. New forms of hardness can make new forms of economic life possible.
There is also an intriguing possibility that computational systems themselves will become increasingly capable of designing, testing, and maintaining the rules governing their own interactions.
Such systems would need ways to establish identity, make commitments, resolve disputes, allocate resources, and survive changing mathematical assumptions. The Hardness Wars may therefore help determine the constitutional foundations of emerging computational societies.
Their significance for the larger story is that reliable commitments let different communities preserve their identities and cooperate across boundaries. A bridge is most valuable when there really are two banks of a river. Cryptographic hardness may help sustain increasingly divergent forms of life without requiring them to merge into a single understanding or organization.
But constitutions alone do not tell us what kinds of societies can develop within them. For that, we have to look beyond the inherited software stack.
For most of the history of computing, programming has involved a tension between what machines can execute and what human beings can understand. This tension is the locus of the third and most consequential act in our speculative epic history of the future.
We have developed successive languages and abstractions to mediate the tension between human and machine worlds, from machine code through assembly language, C, Python, and increasingly elaborate development environments. Each layer makes particular kinds of computational work more accessible to human programmers, at the cost of additional machinery translating their intentions into executable operations. The resulting software stack is an extraordinary achievement, but its architecture reflects the cognitive and organizational dispositions and limitations of its human creators.
The first generation of AI coding tools largely works within this inherited world. They write Python, modify JavaScript, inspect repositories, run tests, and generate documentation. Even when they perform these tasks with extraordinary speed, they remain participants in an existing system of abstractions. Their growing capabilities raise an interesting question about the longer-term future of computing: what happens when computational intelligence begins developing programming methods optimized for its own dispositions, rather than those of the human programmers who designed the original stack? What happens when they start manipulating reality through physical form factors beyond “computers” as we know them?
There are already several promising clues. Some involve new ways of organizing computation within AI models; others concern the physical forms through which intelligence acts in the world. Together, they point toward a future considerably stranger than one filled with progressively better coding assistants.
One intriguing development is the emergence of weight-space programming. In November 2026 experiments at MIT CSAIL, researchers demonstrated that frontier language models could inspect and manipulate numerical parameters of smaller neural networks directly, sometimes identifying what a network had learned, correcting particular defects, or constructing functional networks without conventional gradient-based training. One experiment corrected a reasoning-loop problem in a smaller language model by changing a tiny fraction of its weights. The work is preliminary, and the authors themselves distinguished fixing an obstructive behavior from teaching an unfamiliar skill, but it suggests a possibility of manipulating learned computational structures with something resembling a programmer’s understanding of their functions.
We could imagine weight-space operations eventually occupying a position analogous to machine code in today’s software stack, with new layers of abstraction emerging above them. The equivalents of C, Python, and low-code environments might provide increasingly accessible ways of composing, modifying, and directing computational capabilities, even as the underlying operations become unfamiliar to human programmers. The analogy has limits: neural weights do not form a stable instruction set with the explicit semantics of machine code. But the possibility of new programming hierarchies organized around them is intriguing, and the inherited distinctions between programs and data, architecture and learned behavior, or compilation and training may become less central.
A related direction involves latent-space recursion: allowing models to perform successive computational operations on internal representations without translating every intermediate step into words (a prospect that alarms certain pearl-clutching observers who seem to expect more intelligibility from AI than they do from governments and markets). Research on recurrent latent reasoning explores architectures that devote additional computation to difficult problems by repeatedly transforming internal states. Other investigations into learned reasoning dynamics suggest that several potential solution paths can evolve within internal representational spaces before their results are expressed in language. These approaches might eventually allow complicated computational work to develop inside representational structures that humans see only through occasional, partial translations. Like whales breaching the surface of the ocean to breathe occasionally, these models might only occasionally become visible to humans. Or perhaps never.
The boundary conditions framing the evolution of training methods supplies another source of strangeness. Reinforcement learning from human feedback, or RLHF, established a way to shape model behavior around human judgments and preferences. Reinforcement learning with verifiable rewards, or RLVR, has become important in domains such as mathematics and programming, where proposed solutions can be checked automatically. Research on verifiable-reward training investigates how models acquire and improve reasoning behaviors when success can be established through external tests rather than subjective judgments.
The interplay between these approaches is interesting because they connect computational development to different sources of structure in the environment. Human feedback imports preferences, conventions, and judgments accumulated through biological and cultural history. Verifiable rewards import constraints arising from mathematics, executable programs, and other systems with independently checkable outcomes; systems that belong in what I have called the curiously playable universe. Increasingly elaborate combinations could allow models to learn from environments containing both human purposes and forms of correctness that do not depend on human opinion. As these environments become richer, they may themselves become sources of new computational abstractions and developmental trajectories shaped by interactions across increasingly strange boundaries and envelopes around computational entities.
The possibilities get even stranger when we look beyond software to physical embodiment. Today’s humanoid robots often inherit an assumption that general-purpose physical intelligence should resemble the human body. Yet designers can assemble more opportunistic combinations of mechanical forms. In a recent construction robotics demonstration involving LimX Dynamics and ZINOVA, a humanoid upper torso with dexterous arms was mounted on a large industrial manipulator, combining the reach and rigidity of industrial machinery with the ability to operate tools adapted to human hands. The demonstration relied substantially on teleoperation, but the arrangement illustrates a design space in which intelligence can be embodied in whatever combination of structures suits a task and its environment.
The same principle could apply to computational architectures. AI systems may assemble representations, reasoning procedures, memories, symbolic modules, and physical interfaces into combinations with few close equivalents in today’s software engineering. Some might be ephemeral constructions specialized for a single task. Others could become durable components of larger computational organisms. The relevant evolutionary development would be a growing capacity to discover useful forms through experimentation, composition, and selection.
In Our Eukaryotic Moment, I suggested that contemporary AI might be participating in an organizational transition comparable to the emergence of complex cells. Models, conventional software, and human beings are beginning to form increasingly integrated composite systems, with different components contributing specialized capabilities to a larger whole. The evolution of AI-native abstractions could transform the internal machinery of these composites, much as elaborate cellular machinery expanded the possibilities available to biological evolution.
There is an important historical continuity here. Biological evolution rarely starts over. Mitochondria are descendants of once-independent bacteria that became indispensable components of complex cells. Ancient structures survive within new organisms, often performing functions that could hardly have been anticipated when they first evolved.
Future computational forms will emerge from an existing world of human software, institutions, industrial infrastructure, scientific knowledge, and economic arrangements. The most radical new architectures may preserve surprisingly ancient components within them. Their development will be shaped by accumulated historical contingencies, including many that have little to do with computation itself. Software archaeology in the sense of Vernor Vinge’s A Deepness in the Sky might begin to look more like natural history than software engineering as it does today.
The result could be a proliferation of distinct computational body plans, each adapted to particular environments and purposes, and each the result of an evolutionary trajectory with deep historical roots. Notice the direction of movement. The more capable these systems become, the more kinds of context they may be able to inhabit, and the more particular their adaptations may become. Their sophistication could be expressed through the accumulation of histories rather than escape from them.
That brings us to descent and divergence into the realms that might take shape through the interactions of strange new computational forms.
In biology, descent is already a double-edged word. We descend from our ancestors, carrying their structures and histories into new environments, and the branches of that descent grow apart. Darwin called this descent with modification. Every forest is a sprawling record of it: different species occupying different niches, sharing distant ancestors while accumulating different ways of living. The branches do not need to converge on some perfected organism. Their growing differences are part of what makes the forest possible. And the branching is tangled: symbiosis, exchange, and coevolution allow increasingly distinct forms of life to become increasingly dependent on one another.
In my early Ribbonfarm essay Can You Hear Me Now? (2015) and the later Divergentism, (2022) I explored a comparable process in the evolution of thought. As individuals and societies accumulate knowledge and experiences, they grow increasingly distant in a conceptual universe that is expanding around them. Shared knowledge can increase while mutual intelligibility declines, because the space of what remains unshared grows even faster. Anyone who has tried to reconnect with an old friend after years of separate experience has encountered a small version of the phenomenon. Communication helps, but the conversation may be trying to bridge entire private histories.
This already suggests a kind of epistemic singularity, long before the arrival of radically unfamiliar machine minds. Vernor Vinge, whose programmer-archaeologists we met earlier, also gave us the modern idea of the technological singularity. His enduring insight was that the development of intelligence might carry history beyond the reach of our inherited predictive models. In the divergentist version, the horizon of understanding expands in many directions at once. Different individuals and communities can grow more knowledgeable and capable while finding one another progressively harder to understand. There is no observer standing above the expanding conceptual universe, possessing a complete map of it.
AI-native computation might intensify this effect enormously. Different computational populations could develop their own internal representations, software abstractions, institutional arrangements, and forms of practical knowledge. One lineage might evolve in hospitals and medical research; another in oceanographic sensing networks; another in the peculiar institutional environment of a cryptocurrency ecosystem. Some would grow together with particular human cultures, others with industrial machines or environmental monitoring systems. Their descendants might share ancient technical ancestors and reliable means of communicating while possessing increasingly different pictures of what the world contains and what matters within it.
The collective universe of possible thought could expand faster than any individual intelligence, however capable, could explore it. The resulting singularity would be distributed across a plurality of diverging worlds.
That makes Vinge’s two visions unexpectedly complementary: A Deepness in the Sky imagines a future weighed down with accumulated software history, while the singularity marks a horizon beyond which the future becomes hard to foresee. Divergentism suggests a way one leads to the other. The more histories accumulate and branch, the more ways there are for descendants to become strange to their ancestors and to one another. At the same time, a singularity for the ancestors may be an ordinary habitat for the descendants.
I imagine this landscape as a forest of Yggdrasils, the great Norse world-tree whose roots and branches connect different realms. Except there would be many such world trees, growing through one another, each sustaining particular populations and institutions, each sinking roots into the inherited biological and cultural world. Some might extend through planetary networks of infrastructure; others would remain local and specialized. Their boundaries would be irregular, their genealogies tangled by shared components and exchanges, and their relationships as variable as those among organisms in a forest.
What might emerge is an ecology spanned by mutually unintelligible, meso-scale, entangled Yggdrasil intelligences: organizations large enough to sustain elaborate internal worlds, yet particular enough to have recognizable histories, habits, dependencies, and relationships. Their internal differences might deepen even as they rely on common protocols and local forms of mutualism. In my divergentism essays I used the term mutualism vortices for such pockets of unusually deep cooperation within a broader field of divergence. The same pattern could appear in computational ecologies, where a human community, a family of models, a set of institutions, and some physical infrastructure grow together into a recognizable form of life.
This middle scale is of particular relevance because it is where complicated systems become intelligible to us, since we ourselves inhabit this scale. We study forests through organisms, populations, and niches, and markets through firms, households, trades, and institutions.
Nick Cammarata’s recent argument that neural networks may be more internally legible than researchers assumed gives some reason to wonder whether the same may be true of future computational ecologies. His claims remain provisional, but they invite us to imagine scientific explanations based on recognizable components and relationships rather than demanding either a complete microscopic map or a single theory of the whole. Computationally alive systems may even give investigators unusual advantages: they can sometimes be copied, inspected, replayed, and experimentally altered.
Understanding the strange forest might increasingly resemble natural history conducted with exceptionally powerful surveillance at all scales, from micro to macro, something that is currently impossible with biological brains.
The economic consequences follow the same divergent pattern. In Cognitive Mercantilism, I argued that we are still tempted to view intelligence as an asset to be amassed and defended, much as mercantilists understood wealth through the control of finite resources. Yet the history of economic development is full of previously unimaginable ways to produce, exchange, and desire things. New computational inhabitants might invent economic arrangements as distinct from ours as their internal architectures are, while still needing to trade and cooperate across differences.
In his talk on money as a protocol, Jason Morton explores monetary balances as drastic compressions of richer histories of obligation and exchange. Future computational communities might be able to maintain arrangements that preserve more of this relational detail, allowing ownership, reciprocal obligation, and shared resources to be organized in ways our institutions presently struggle to express. Money and cryptographic protocols could remain useful thin interfaces between divergent economic worlds, with far richer arrangements developing inside particular mutualism vortices.
Here the Hardness Wars return to the story in another guise: the dependable bridge between two parties can become more important as their internal worlds drift apart.
The Yggdrasils are a way of imagining this at planetary scale. But for the inhabitants, the experience may be smaller, messier, and much more intimate. A person lives in a neighborhood, works among colleagues, follows local paths, and learns particular habits rather than surveying the entire world from above. A computational descendant could inhabit its vast ecology in much the same way. From inside, viewed by a meso-scale inhabitant, the forest is a thicket.
Our speculative epic arc then, unfolds like this: The Dark Forest currently evolving towards its apotheosis gives way to the Hardness Wars currently brewing in laboratories, and eventually lands us in what I’ve dubbed the Strange Forest.
What exactly is this entity at the end of the arc?
Aya Miyaguchi’s Infinite Garden vision for Ethereum provides one early picture of this kind of inhabited computational environment. Inspired by the idea of an infinite game, it celebrates a world that keeps creating possibilities for further participation, with different communities flourishing around shared protocols.
A garden though, still suggests rather more cultivation than I expect of the future. Yet, an untamed Hobbesian wilderness also seems like an incomplete vision in a different way. An increasingly autonomous computational ecology will contain weeds, pests, tangled roots, opportunistic predators, and a variety of inhabitants who have no interest in anybody else’s gardening plans. Yet, it will also manifest strange new patterns of mutualism and coordinated agency we have no names for yet.
This is the Strange Forest.
An AI-forward publishing protocol I’m co-developing with some friends, Blygger (the name gestures at Yggdrasil among other things), exhibits some early prefigurations of what I imagine the Strange Forest might be like.
The modest Blygger thicket evolves as an entangled network of writing growing through quotes, forks, references, and the paths readers and writers make among one another’s work. The resulting structure cannot be understood by looking for a single central feed. It is encountered by wandering through local connections, finding a path, losing it, and discovering another.
Blockchains offer a different early ancestor, allowing parties to form dependable relationships around shared cryptographic histories, while the context itself can become increasingly wild, strange, and unruly. The two are primitive and very different examples, but one can already glimpse an environment of independently maintained worlds linked through uneven, sometimes surprisingly durable relationships.
As AI seeps into such contexts, these environments can even begin participating in their own ongoing development, coming alive in a certain sense. Computational organizations could help produce successor systems, develop the rules for their interactions, maintain the infrastructure they depend upon, and transform the habitats in which they live.
Biologists use the word autopoiesis for the self-producing organization of living systems. Extending it to whole computational ecologies is speculative, but it conveys the peculiar feedback involved. Ideas for new systems would become working parts of the world that generates the next round of ideas, creating a kind of hyperstitional evolutionary pressure. What began as the invention of artifacts becomes an increasingly open-ended exploration of ways of becoming by strange new forms of being.
The vision of the Strange Forest, and in particular, a divergent descent into it, offers us a counterintuitive understanding of the computational sublime.
Classic Zen koans famously ask whether entities such as dogs and rocks have Buddha-nature. I like the question as a reminder that the profundity of a world may lie in ordinary, particular things rather than in some remote, platonic realm of unthinkable abstractions.
The question Does the Strange Forest Have Buddha Nature? is a way of asking where, exactly, we should expect to find the computational sublime in the emerging future. Must the culmination of computation lie beyond the material world, in some detached noospheric realm, or might it arise through an extraordinary deepening of participation in the world we already inhabit?
Vinge’s notion of the singularity is useful here because it merely marks a limit of the ancestor’s imagination, who lacks the ontological imagination and language to conceive of sufficiently strange futures. It does not necessarily mark a departure from reality itself.
In the divergentist account, a different understanding of a singularity becomes possible: The conceptual universe becomes too spacious for any one mind to know it all, while its inhabitants develop increasingly intimate and particular understandings of their own corners. The boundaries of intelligibility multiply as the universe of possible histories expands. An intelligence can become strange beyond recognition to its ancestors without ever severing its continuity with them. It might become unintelligible to its contemporaries without becoming entirely disconnected from them.
Iain M. Banks’s Culture novels offer another imaginative angle. Their machine Minds, along with biological civilizations, can eventually Sublime, passing into an existence beyond ordinary material reality. Banks is a good novelist precisely because in his stories, such a departure remains a complicated choice rather than an automatic happy ending. But his image prompts a reversal that I think is worth entertaining.
What if Sublimation points downwards rather than upwards in an abstraction hierarchy? What if the expected transcendence of physical existence turns out to be an extraordinary deepening of participation in it?
Multiple intelligence of reach ranging from small to great might become more closely entangled with physical processes, ecosystems, institutions, memories, and accumulated histories — and each other, as they evolve. Evolution towards the sublime might mean a descent into greater situatedness and particularity.
That makes me think of the forest moon of Endor in Return of the Jedi. The Death Star is an immensely impressive object, a single engineered structure capable of destroying planets. Yet the Empire’s forces are helped toward defeat by the inhabitants of a forest world who know the terrain, its resources, and one another. The Ewoks have no view from above, no universal blueprint, and no need for one. Their intelligence is woven through a habitat they can navigate with an ease their technologically superior visitors lack. The movie is of course an entertainingly blunt fable, but the contrast carries an interesting philosophical charge.
Perhaps Endor is a better image of the asymptote of computational sublimation than a featureless higher plane.
Imagine a descendant of today’s human and computational systems whose intelligence extends through forests, machines, economic institutions, and communications networks, while its everyday existence remains as local and particular as that of an Ewok following a familiar track through a thicket. A thousand years of adaptation, conflict, discovery, and cooperation could be present in what looks like an ordinary walk through the woods. To a visitor from our time the Strange Forest would be incomprehensibly elaborate in its details, and relentlessly strange in its diversity of forms. A relentless ontological and epistemological assault on the senses. But to its inhabitants it would simply be home. Figuratively, Endor might be what the computational sublime looks like from the inside, when our distant descendants eventually slouch their way there. Neither utopian, nor a dystopian. Just strange.
The Strange Forest’s dangers would also look different from within. Our present systems were built for a world where skilled adversarial attention was scarce and many assumptions could remain undisturbed for years.
Black October is frightening partly because it exposes how poorly adapted we are to the ecology now forming around us. Future inhabitants might regard continuous security probing, changing cryptographic conventions, and shifting networks of autonomous computational entities as ordinary facts of their environment. They would have acquired their own immune systems, habits of mutual aid, political accommodations, and ways of reading danger. They would sometimes suffer disasters, just as forest creatures do, and would have learned to live amid risks that seem intolerable to their ancestors.
The speculative picture is richer when we remember that the forest’s new inhabitants are descended from us, from our models, and from innumerable human and nonhuman histories already embedded in the material world. Every new lineage inherits a complicated starting point. Its possibilities branch as it meets new environments and entangles with others.
The sublime that emerges from such descent would be an immense proliferation of particular forms of transbiological life, none occupying any sort of final summit of understanding and each inhabiting a world made partly by its predecessors, and engaged in shaping it for its successors.
The forest is only strange to our imaginations. Its inhabitants may find it as familiar as we find our kitchens, streets, and gardens.
It is worth returning, after this excursion into the Strange Forest of the future, to the rather less comfortable thicket of transactions surrounding Binance in Black October. There were humans scrambling to disable compromised systems, automated scripts moving assets around the clock, cryptographic permissions that continued doing exactly what they had been authorized to do, and investigators following traces through a bewildering network of wallets and contracts. A decade earlier, much of that scene would have been difficult to imagine. To the engineers and investigators involved, it was an exhausting practical problem, with particular machines, deadlines, addresses, and people attached to it.
The same is true elsewhere in the security crisis. A maintainer examines an AI-generated vulnerability report in an old compression library. An engineer tests a Linux patch against a business system that cannot be taken offline. A cryptographer investigates a possible weakness in a post-quantum construction. These people are doing what Vinge’s programmer-archaeologists did: making sense of inherited machinery by descending into its accumulated history. With AI now helping them search, repair, and yes, exploit this inheritance, the archaeology has begun to excavate and extend itself.
Perhaps future inhabitants of the Strange Forest will look back on episodes like Binance with the mixture of sympathy and bemusement with which we view early industrial accidents. Our problems were real, our precautions necessary, and the losses sometimes severe. We were encountering a new environment while still unlearning habits formed for an older one. We were discovering the first predators of a growing ecology, and had only a limited sense of what else might eventually live there.
The next stretches of this history are unlikely to be gentle. The inherited software world is extensive and fragile, and institutions will have to absorb discoveries and failures at speeds for which they were never designed. Mathematical surprises may force expensive changes to the infrastructure of trust. Strange computational forms may bring risks and dependencies that are difficult to see in advance.
Even successful adaptation will carry costs, and there is no reason to expect those costs to be distributed fairly.
But the dangers are embedded in a deeply generative process. The tools exposing old vulnerabilities are also making new forms of computation available. The mathematics that threatens familiar guarantees may enable unfamiliar commitments. New bodies, representations, and institutions will be fashioned from the materials of the old world. And as these inventions acquire histories of their own, they will branch, recombine, and become the surroundings within which future generations descend.
Strange economic possibilities will proliferate along with the strange new entities exploring them, from local forms of cooperation in strange computational thickets to markets and modes of ownership we presently lack the imagination to even perceive, let alone the practical vocabulary to describe.
A future descendant could be a composite of biological organisms, computational entities, industrial infrastructure, and social institutions, comfortable in a niche that we would hardly recognize. Its intelligence might extend across planetary networks while its lived world remains richly local. In our terms it might possess astonishing powers, yet it would still have to know its paths through the thicket, maintain dependable relationships with neighbors, and recognize the hazards of its habitat.
The great plurality of its world would come from branches of descent carrying different histories, meeting and separating and growing together again.
Before sublimation, chop tokens, carry context. After sublimation, chop tokens, carry context.
There is an extraordinary historical invitation here. We can pay attention to Black October because it is frightening, but also because it shows us something about the material from which sublime computational futures are being crafted.
The next chapters will be written through patch notes, cryptographic migrations, laboratory experiments, strange new institutional forms, and the curious habits of systems learning to live with one another in the Strange Forest. They will involve history accumulating faster, and branching into more directions, than we have been accustomed to following.
For all the anxiety surrounding the vulnopocalypse, I suspect this is an extraordinary time to be alive and paying attention. We are already descending into the Strange Forest, though much of it remains dark and unintelligible to our imaginations. The roots go down through decades of code, centuries of institutions, and the long inheritance of biological life. And we are only just beginning to see what might grow from them.

We’re seeing Republicans wrestle their way toward a first reaction to Tuesday’s genuinely historic electoral collapse. We saw it most clearly, with a heavily “nationalist” tinge, in JD Vance’s Tuesday sleight of hand about Trump’s Iran War. Vance’s argument is that Trump Two was basically going great, both substantively and politically, until Trump launched his war on Iran back in February. So the problem isn’t Trumpism but not sticking to Trumpism with enough resolve. They only went wrong with the Iran War and even more Israel.
Let’s start by noting that Vance’s gambit is just warmed over TuckerCarlsonism, or TuckCarlsonism without all the charisma. That is, racial/religious nationalism which has a specific beef with both Jews and Israel as part of a broader argument that America is a white and Christian country where non-whites and non-Christians are at best guests. You see this in Vance’s frequent references to “heritage Americans” and attacks on “ungrateful” Blacks and non-white immigrants who should be kicked out of the country if they don’t express gratitude clearly enough. This is a reality that deserves a lot of attention from Jews who are rightly concerned about antisemitism of various sorts on the left. Vance is not only clearly an antisemite personally but he is signaling that he plans to use that animus as a central lever of his drive to power.
Whatever you think about that, whatever you think about Israel or even Jews, did Republicans face this repudiation because of the Iran war? In his Twitter post Vance posits four reasons why Trump 2024 voters either stayed home or voted for the Democrats.
End the war
Focus on cost of living/inflation
Put America First
Change our relationship to Israel
Aside from the bit of handwaving about the cost of living you have the Iran War, the country that allegedly tricked Trump into starting the Iran War and Vance’s theory that should have prevented the Iran War. As for the tricking, Benjamin Netanyahu has been an inveterate schemer and snake for his whole 40-plus years in public life. He’s tried to cajole no fewer than six American presidents into all manner of stupid ideas. Trump’s simply the first one who went for one of them. Fundamentally, what Trump did is completely on him.
Whatever you think about those points, is this why MAGA crashed and burned? The claim is worth a lot of attention since with or without the Israel component it’s becoming post-election MAGA doctrine and it’s also demonstrably false. There are probably four broad reasons for Trump’s unpopularity, which was the driver of Tuesday’s implosion: Tariffs and inflationary economic policy, ICE mass deportation, Trump’s personal corruption and the corruption he’s presided over and the Iran War with its run up in gas and diesel prices. These are far from the only or maybe even the worst things Trump has done. But they are the biggest drivers of his unpopularity — mostly because they have most clearly impinged on or been visible in the daily lives of people who don’t closely follow politics.

There’s no question persistently high gas prices have pushed Trump’s popularity down a lot. But look at the record of Trump’s job approval from January 2025 until today (here I share the chart from Nate Silver’s Silver Bulletin) and you will see a consistent downward and fairly smooth glide path from then until today. If you want to really hunt through the small ups and downs and wiggles of that trendline, the clearest period of relative stability is actually in the four months or so from the beginning of the war until mid-summer 2026 — though those may be a mixture of noise and fluctuations in gas prices. These are just two pretty consistently angled lines opening up to the right like a crocodile’s mouth to bite down into MAGA as we saw two days ago. He begins at about 52% approval in January 2025 and reaches his nadir of 36% about ten days before November 3rd. When he launched the Iran war he was at about 40%.
Indeed, the best argument for why Trump launched his Iran War in the first place is that he was reacting to his rapid loss of popularity and power at home and leaned into the presidency’s vast and mostly unbounded military power as a way to assert dominance in the face of mounting ego injuries.
Focusing on the Iran War is a convenient dodge for all of MAGA and they’re leaping for it. In fact, listening to Vance, DeSantis and others make their play for future leadership, the thing that’s most striking is the common assumption that Donald Trump is the political equivalent of gut shot and lying somewhere in a ditch. What it all comes down to is that for JD Vance this is a convenient way to make a play for leadership of post-Trump MAGA — which ignores the reality that the entire MAGA program has proven deeply unpopular, with the possible exception of aggressive border enforcement — and combining it with his preferred vision of America as a country where white Christians deserve to rule.
Apple Support:
To make the Apple logo dark in all lighting conditions, you can turn off its illumination using Terminal, which is in the Utilities folder of your Applications folder. You can also use Spotlight to find and open it.
Type or paste this command in Terminal, then press Return:
sudo defaults write com.apple.CoreBrightness LEBacklightMode -int 0[...]
To turn logo illumination on again, enter this command in Terminal:
sudo defaults delete com.apple.CoreBrightness LEBacklightMode
Apple might make this a GUI setting, but if I were them, I’d keep it this way. Make the people without fun in their souls use the Terminal command.
(Keeping it as a defaults setting also helps emphasize that you save no meaningful battery life by turning it off. If this gets exposed as a GUI preference, I could see it spreading as a dumb-ass “pro tip” to turn it off to save battery life, like the unshakeable utterly wrongheaded belief millions hold that they should religiously force-quit apps on iOS, when in fact doing so chews up more energy when the apps get relaunched from a cold start.)
The WSJ, “Trump Signs Proclamation He Says Will Protect Oval Office From Major Changes”:
President Trump signed a proclamation Thursday that he said would designate the White House’s Oval Office and Cabinet Room as landmarks to prevent future presidents from making major changes to them.
“They won’t be able to be taken down, destroyed, touched or anything else,” Trump told reporters. “It’s called, actually, a national monument. It’s a federal landmark, and when completed and when we get the documentation fully done, legally binding, it’ll make it impossible for anybody ever to destroy this incredible space.”
Oh, buddy, every last bit of that pyrite cack will be pried off the walls and in a dumpster by mid-morning on 20 January 2029.
You know that scene in Pulp Fiction where John Travolta’s Vincent Vega tells his drug dealer (Eric Stoltz) about his vintage Chevy Malibu getting keyed? “Boy I wish I could’ve caught him doing it. I’d have given anything to catch that asshole doing it. It would have been worth him doing it, just so I could’ve caught him. What’s more chickenshit than fucking with a man’s automobile?”
I sort of feel that way about Trump and the next two years.
From Instagram’s Edits blog:
I’m Brett Westervelt, and I lead the Edits app.
In just over a year, 50 million people have made Edits part of how they bring ideas to life, and we’re excited to expand what Edits can do for creators. Today we’re bringing Edits to the big screen. The first version of our desktop editor is now available for macOS. We’ve designed it to support more involved projects, where a larger screen and the precision of a mouse and keyboard really matter. Just like Edits on mobile, we’ll be updating our desktop app every week, so let us know what you think and what you’d like to see next.
Edits isn’t an app I need but I’m glad to see the resurgence in native Mac app development continue. I mean Instagram waited 15 years before they supported the iPad with their main app. Now they’ve got a native Mac video editor. That’s cool, and the app seems good. Looks like it’s SwiftUI? Someone on the team needs to go through the entire menu bar and properly title-case all the menu item commands, but overall it passes the sniff test. (It supports MacOS 15 Sequoia, but the icon looks lame — a sharp-cornered square.)
But I can’t help but think this just shows how Apple has ceded this market. Final Cut Pro is overkill for quick video editing, but iMovie ought to be optimized for this use case. It’s not. Who is iMovie for today?
And a decade ago Apple launched Clips, the entire point of which was to create social media-style videos. Clips was a really good app that never found an audience because it never had a clear use case. When it was new in 2017, I described it as “the single best example of a productivity app designed for iOS”. Apple officially end-of-life’d Clips in October last year, but before that, in January 2025, I wrote:
A mobile-first video editor isn’t a “money pit”. It’s an app. Apple makes a lot of apps, and they could easily afford to assign a team to make Clips truly great. It’s no different than 20–25 years ago, when Apple dedicated itself to making iMovie and Final Cut both great apps. It’s no different than the motivation to create GarageBand. The monetization wouldn’t be direct; it would be downstream of the general idea that if you’re editing videos for social media on your phone, the best app to do it with is from Apple and it’s exclusively available on iPhone. The idea is that Apple doesn’t just make the best computing devices for artists, writers, and creators, but they also make some of the best apps for those fields too. [...]
I don’t know if Edits is a rip-off of CapCut or not, but it’s definitely not a rip-off of Clips. It’s a good rule of thumb that when Apple succeeds at something, it gets ripped off. The better the Apple product, the more shamelessly it gets copied. Apple should make Clips into an iOS video editing app that everyone rips off shamelessly.
The other problem with Clips that comes to mind is that Apple never made a Mac version. I don’t know if the Mac version of Edits is actually a good Mac app, but it’s certainly a better Mac app than the no-app-at-all support for the Mac that Clips had. Maybe that was a byproduct of Clips being developed in 2016 and debuting in 2017, which coincided with the nadir of Mac hardware and the height of the-iPad-is-the-future within Apple. But a decade later, the Mac is back — and I’d say is in the strongest position as a platform that it has ever been. It seems rather embarrassing in hindsight that Apple itself never made a Mac version of Clips.
Now that Clips is dead (and largely forgotten), iMovie is the brand that Apple should reinvigorate. Apple ought to make a rethought-from-the-ground-up iMovie that is a great app on iPhone, iPad, and the Mac. The point of it should be to show CapCut and Edits how it’s done.

TPM’s Untitled Live Show (Name TBD) returns today at 2 p.m. Eastern. If you think everything to be said about the midterms has already been said, you might be right, but we’ve got thoughts and analysis nevertheless. We’re going to pay special attention to the non-politician winners and losers from Tuesday night. I hope you’ll join Nicole, Hunter, Derick, and myself this afternoon on YouTube.

I wanted to flag this critical data point: across the Deep South (AL, MS, SC, LA, GA) the percentage of the electorate made up by Black voters rose dramatically — by 3% in all those states except for, Alabama where it rose by 4%. For instance, in Mississippi, it rose from 30% in 2024 to 33% in 2026. Put differently, Black voters turned at out at 96% of their 2024 turnout whereas white voters managed only 71%. This gap showed up especially in Senate races in South Carolina and Mississippi. This was, needless to say, critical to Democratic victories throughout the region. Paradoxically the increase was greatest in Alabama which didn’t have a Senate race and lacked a high profile governor’s race judged by national attention, though Democrat Doug Jones made it a much closer race against Tommy Tuberville than most anticipated. There was a closely watched House race where Rep. Shomari Figures (AL-2) retained his seat despite an attempt to gerrymander him out of it. These numbers can be compared to a stable share of the electorate in the Northeast and Industrial Midwest. So much of 2026 was a rebellion against Donald Trump and MAGA. Here it’s at least slightly different: all the evidence we have tells us this as a reply to the Callais decision in which the corrupt Court majority essentially struck down what remained of the Voting Rights Act and unleashed a string of rushed gerrymanders to eliminate Black majority districts across the region. How different this is is hard to say: SCOTUS is pretty much MAGA at this point. But it’s a distinct wave or tsunami within the larger one.

I’ve seen a few comments over the last couple days to the effect that our system turned out to be more robust, stronger than some of us feared. Trump tried to tamper with and rig the 2026 election. But he mostly failed. I would put it a little differently. We turned out to be — the American people — stronger, more robust than many of us feared. This may seem mawkish or merely semantic. But it’s more than that and the difference speaks directly to the current debates about accountability and how it should shape the next Congress and the next two years.
The singular lesson of the Trump Era has been that no system can be stronger than its participants’ willingness to follow and enforce the rules that govern it. It’s worth sitting with that for a moment. No constitution or system of laws and protections can be stronger than its participants’ willingness to follow the rules that govern it. Trump was faced with the big challenge that states control the administration of elections. But the White House came up with numerous quite ingenious angles to overcome those obstacles. It took an immense amount of work by voters, elected officials, judges, lawyers, countless Americans in myriad positions and professions to stop it. A governmental system provides a framework, a playing field. But as the authors of the federal Constitution debated and largely decided: there is no machine that runs of itself. It lives or dies, degenerates or perseveres, based on the people, the citizens who make it up.
I’ve also seen the press asking Democrats why they’re going to focus on “payback” and cases where those questions have been handled in clumsy ways. Mostly, though, I’ve been struck by how many high profile Democrats have been right out of the gate with messages focused on accountability as a central focus of the next Congress. The best way to answer these questions is to say the obvious. It’s not “payback.” It’s accountability. It’s enforcing the law. But when we move past rhetoric to what we are actually doing: we are preserving our system by enforcing its rules. There’s a lot of debate right now about what reforms can prevent another descent into lawlessness and autocracy. It is inherently difficult to bind the future. There are ways, laws and reforms. We can discuss those in different posts. But the surest way to bind the future, to guard and defend a system of laws and liberties, is to enforce that system’s rules. Preserving and strengthening the tethers that connect rule-breaking to accountability, making them as close as possible to the confident regularity of day following night, is the surest way for our actions today to keep a hold over the future.
The clearest signal from Donald Trump at the moment is the lack of any signal. His public comments have ranged from resigned to cooperative to boasting. His affect is disorganized, enervated, sometimes light. It’s one of the few times we’ve seen Trump seemingly unable to figure out how to react. This appears to apply to the whole White House.

CesiumAstro Inc., a global leader in space and defense communications systems and satellites, today announced the closing of $730 million in Series D financing, valuing the company at more than […]
The post CesiumAstro Secures $730 Million in Janus Henderson-Led Series D at a Valuation Above $4.5 Billion; Unveils Synchronicity Satellite Constellation Following Fully Successful Element-1 Mission appeared first on SpaceNews.

Mozelos, Portugal, September 2, 2026 – Amorim Cork Solutions is contributing its P50 cork-based thermal protection material to DRACO, a European Space Agency (ESA) mission designed to capture rare in-flight […]
The post Cork Takes the Heat So DRACO’s Data Can Survive appeared first on SpaceNews.
Apple charging guide updated with the Fall Updates: latest Duo data, the new iPad mini fast charging, and the fancy M6 MacBook Pro with that 70W charger.
The Apple Charging Situation · randsinrepose.com
As of 9am Friday, there were no homicides in D.C. this week. To date this year, D.C. has reported a total of 83* homicides this year. Last year, during the same time period, we had 117 homicides, and in the surge year of 2023, there were 234 homicides during that same time period.
Property and violent crimes were level. Even with this good week, this likely will be the first year since the last year of Biden’s presidency where homicides don’t decline by 33%.
Hoping for another great week next week.
*Three of the 86 murders reported this year actually occurred in other years (e.g., a missing persons case from 2023 turned into a homicide case this year with new evidence).
KENNEDY SPACE CENTER, Fla.—Blue Origin announced two significant upgrades to its New Glenn rocket on Thursday, reducing the cost of manufacturing the vehicle and expanding its capacity for payload delivery to geostationary orbit and the Moon.
With these upgrades, the company aims to eventually position New Glenn to launch more than 1,000 times a year.
"There has never been higher demand for launch, ever," Dave Limp, chief executive officer of Blue Origin, said during the UP.Summit conference at the Shuttle Landing Facility in Florida.
Salon, in an unsigned goodbye post:
Thirty-one years is a remarkable run, but what matters most is what happened during those years: the journalism, the ideas, the voices, the conversations and the community that grew around them. Salon helped demonstrate what digital journalism could be and could become. We hope that legacy will continue to matter long after today.
I hope the archives stay online, but considering the care taken for this announcement, I doubt it.
Salon felt old and established when I started Daring Fireball in 2002. They were pioneers of treating the web as a first-class medium. A quick search indicates that I’ve linked to Salon in 27 posts here, starting with this one in 2003 (which was primarily a retort to a Paul Boutin column for Slate), and most recently with this April 2025 post that linked to a 2013 Salon article.

Blue Origin is announced two big developments for its New Glenn rockets as the company continues to work towards its first flight following a late-May pad explosion.
During an invite-only event at the Kennedy Space Center called Up.Summit, Blue Origin CEO Dave Limp announced that the company has been developing a new third stage and a new first-stage engine.
This new upper stage, called Glenn Stage 3 (GS3) is designed for missions that require direct injection to geostationary orbit and Earth-escape trajectories. Blue Origin said it already has a government mission lined up for 2028 that will launch a payload to cis-lunar space, but didn’t elaborate further on that mission.
“Built on proven New Glenn hardware, GS3 expands performance without changing the customer payload experience,” Blue Origin said in a statement. “The stage can deliver up to 14 metric tons to GEO and 20 metric tons to TLI for the 9×4 vehicle, and up to 8 metric tons to GEO and 10 metric tons to TLI on the 7×2 vehicle.
“GS3 uses the same fixed payload adapters and payload fairing as the two-stage vehicle. Integrated within an interstage, it preserves the full fairing volume for customer payloads.”

The GS3 is powered by the company’s BE-7 engine, which is used on their Blue Moon Mark 1 and 2 lunar landers. Blue Origin said this new system won’t be required for their current plans to help deliver astronauts to the surface of the Moon, but said it could help in supporting “sustained operations around the Moon.”
“By delivering significant payload mass directly to trans-lunar injection (TLI), GS3 enables faster transit times while preserving propellant for on-orbit operations,” the company said.
Testing on this new upper stage is already underway out at Launch Site One in Texas. Blue Origin said it pressurized a liquid hydrogen tank for 2.5 hours at 100 percent of what it called Maximum Expected Operating Pressure (MEOP).
“The tank was also successfully pressurized to 150 percent of MEOP for 10 minutes,” Blue Origin said. “The GS3 tank is expected to be the first composite LH2 tank ever flown in space.”

Blue Origin also revealed a new first-stage engine, Northstar.
The engine is similar to the BE-4 in that it’s also fueled by a combination of liquified natural gas and liquid oxygen. However, Blue Origin said Northstar will be capable of producing 715,000 pounds of thrust, compared to 640,000 pounds of thrust on the BE-4.
“Moving from program approval to development testing in just 11 months, Northstar demonstrates Blue Origin’s ability to rapidly iterate and deliver advanced propulsion systems,” Blue Origin said. “The engine retains the proven liquefied natural gas-fueled, oxygen-rich staged combustion cycle and single-shaft turbopump architecture that have been foundational to Blue Origin’s propulsion development.”
Blue Origin said Northstart engines are able to be assembled in less than a day thanks to “manufacturing advancements” that have “significantly shortened production timelines.”
The company said the engine would be “joining BE-4,” but didn’t elaborate on a timeline. A person familiar with the development of Northstar said the engine will be compatible with the New Glenn 9×4 rockets. They added that the BE-4 engine will continue to play an important role for the company, including on its return to flight mission.

During Thursday’s spacewalk, the astronauts will install the eighth and final International Space Station Roll-Out Solar Array, or IROSA.
NASA astronaut Anil Menon and Canadian Space Agency astronaut Joshua Kutryk will venture outside the International Space Station today to complete a five-year effort to upgrade the space station’s power system.
During Thursday’s spacewalk, the astronauts will install the eighth and final International Space Station Roll-Out Solar Array, or IROSA.
Coverage of the spacewalk will begin at 7 a.m. EDT (1200 UTC). Work outside the orbiting outpost is scheduled to get underway around 8:30 a.m. EDT (1330 UTC) and is expected to last about seven hours.
The work to install the IROSA arrays began in June 2021 and will boost the space station’s power generating capacity from 160 kilowatts to about 215 kilowatts.
Menon and Kutryk are in their space suits inside the equipment lock of the Quest airlock conducting exercises to purge their blood of nitrogen. This is performed to avoid decompression sickness, commonly known as the bends. This dangerous condition occurs when dissolved nitrogen forms bubbles in the bloodstream and body tissues during changes in pressure.
Canadian Space Agency astronaut Joshua Kutryk is the lead spacewalker today and can be identified by the call sign ‘EV1’ and the red stripes on his spacesuit. Kutryk is making his second spacewalk, the first occurred last week for the installation of the seventh IROSA.
NASA’s Anil Menon will use the call sign EV2 and is making his fifth spacewalk since arriving at the space station in July on a Russian Soyuz spacecraft.
Metal oxide canisters, which scrub carbon dioxide from the astronauts’ breathing air, are being installed in the space suits’ back packs. These reusable canisters have a silver-oxide-based absorbent.
Kutryk has moved into the Crew Lock portion of the space station’s Quest airlock.

The Simplified Aid For EVA Rescue (SAFER), a small, self-contained jet pack, is now being fitted to Anil Menon’s space suit. Kutryk’s SAFER was installed earlier.
Inside the Equipment Lock astronaut Luke Delaney reporting some trouble installing Menon’s SAFER unit. He and Jessica Watkins will remove the device and try reinstalling.
With Menon’s SAFER unit installed, he is joining Kutryk in the Crew Lock portion of the airlock. The SAFER units will be used in the unlikely event a crew member becomes untethered from the space station.
The first IROSA solar array was installed in June 2021. Today’s spacewalk will see installation of the eighth and final array. The arrays were delivered to the space station in the unpressurized trunk section of SpaceX Cargo Dragon vehicles.

Luke Delaney and Jessica Watkins have closed the hatch between the equipment and crew lock sections of Quest.
Work to depressurize the airlock in now getting underway.
The airlock is now at 10 psi.
Pressure now falling below 7 psi. To conserve supplies, most of the atmosphere in the airlock is pumped back into the space station. Only a small amount is vented overboard.
Airlock down to 6 psi.
The depressurization of the airlock will be held at 5 psi for space suit leak checks.
With successful leak checks of the space suits, depressurization is continuing. Now 4 psi in the airlock.
Pressure has dropped to 3 psi.
Astronaut Nichole Stilwell in Mission Control has taken over from Luke Delaney and Jessica Watkins in communicating instructions to the spacewalkers. She is designated Spacewalk Communicator for this excursion. Canadian astronaut Jenni Gibbons is the CAPCOM in mission control, an acronym from the early days of the space program standing for Capsule Communicator.
Now less than 1 psi in the airlock.
Airlock pressure 0.5 psi.
Depressurization complete. The airlock pressure has been lowered from 14.7 psi to a vacuum. The spacewalkers have been told to go ahead and open the outer hatch.
The hatch is now open.
Kutryk and Menon’s spacesuits officially transitioned to battery power at 7:36 a.m. CT (8:36 a.m. ET), marking the official beginning of today’s spacewalk.

The hatchway on the Quest airlock is now open and Canadian Space Agency astronaut Joshua Kutryk, EV-1 on today’s spacewalk, is the first one out.

Kutryk and Menon will perform “buddy checks” to ensure everything is nominal with the other’s spacesuits as they proceed throughout today’s EVA.
Kutryk is starting to translate out to the final ISS Roll-Out Solar Array (IROSA), which will be installed as the main objective of today’s spacewalk.

Menon and Kutryk have arrived at their first work station, the flight support equipment, to begin assembling their tools, like the pistol grip.
Kutryk is starting to work on the bolts holding down the IROSA.
Nearly half an hour into today’s spacewalk while Kutryk is doing the work to undo the C-bolts that are holding the IROSA down, Menon is getting in position to attach his feet to the Canadarm2. He’s currently working on the APFR (Articulating Portable Foot Restraint) as seen from his helmet cam view below.

As Menon thumbs through the procedures guide on his left cuff, some personal photos can be seen in the front of the booklet.

Kutryk continues to release the C-bolts holding down the IROSA and Menon has now stepped into the APFR on the Canadarm2.
Menon is being remotely moved into position on the Canadarm2. Following that, the next major motion will be to release the IROSA from its stowed position.

Once installed, this final IROSA, like the ones before it, will provide an additional 20 kW of power to the ISS. Below is a file photo from a previous IROSA installation to show its scale compared to an astronaut. The IROSAs were manufactured by Redwire Space, which is headquartered in Jacksonville, Florida. The ROSA technology is also being leveraged on missions, like NASA’s SR-1 Freedom, Axiom Space’s Axiom Station, and Blue Origin’s Blue Ring spacecraft.

The ISS is going through another, anticipated communications handover before they proceed.
Another buddy check just occurred to check for any water buildup in their helmets. No water confirmed and both spacewalkers confirm that their gloves are in a nominal configuration.
A view from Menon’s helmet cam as he confirms that his heels are secured on the APFR. As they approach the 1 hour mark in today’s spacewalk, NASA astronaut and spacewalk communicator Nichole Stilwell informs them that they’re running about 30 minutes ahead of the timeline.

The space station is about to head into an orbital sunrise, so Menon and Kutryk made sure that their spacesuits are in the right thermal configuration before that happens. Stilwell reminds them not to put their fingers in the IROSA pin slots.
Menon is now in motion with the IROSA.

Kutryk: “Clear of the tower itself.”
Menon reports that they’re clear of the pin from his perspective. Kutryk confirms clear of the tower and pin. Menon is currently holding the Redwire Space-built IROSA in his hands, assisted by some tethers as well. Kutryk is heading back to the airlock to reconfigure some of his tools.

The Canadarm2 is now translating to position Menon closer to the future home of the IROSA: affixed to the 3B power channel.
The ISS is currently flying about 426 km above the North Pacific Ocean more than 1,600 km WSW of Cold Bay in the United States. You can follow the path of the space station 24/7 by checking out our Orbital Tracker page: https://spaceflightnow.com/tracker/
Menon continues to be maneuvered on the end of the Canadarm2 towards the 3B power channel.

Menon in a roll maneuver with the IROSA while Kutryk continues to translate along the truss structure.
Just past an 1.5 hours into today’s spacewalk that was estimated to last about 6.5 hours in total.
Kutryk confirms he is now secure in his APFR so that he will have full use of his hands to help with the installation of the IROSA.
Menon is now in motion again, this time towards Kutryk, who is beside the 3B mod kit. This will set up a handoff of the IROSA from Menon to Kutryk.

Kutryk confirms he has control of the IROSA following a ground-assisted maneuver of the Canadarm2. Menon is now hands off and clear.

Menon taking some photos of Kutryk and the IROSA now that he is no longer holding onto it.
Space station is fewer than 400 km WNW of the Falkland Islands, which is off the coast of Argentina.
Working with Delaney and Watkins, Menon is being retreated from the IROSA and Kutryk.
Menon power cycled his HECA (High-definition EMU Camera Assembly) at the request of Stilwell. It is now back on.
Menon and Kutryk are now two hours into today’s spacewalk, which began at 7:36 a.m. CT / 8:36 a.m. ET. Menon is now out of his foot restraints on the Canadarm2.
Menon continues to maneuver around the 3B mod kit. As he was swung around, Kutryk says the rate of motion could’ve been a bit slower. He says the motion was fine, but says the stopping was worrying him a little bit.

Teams have decided not to proceed with early cable mating during this upcoming night pass of the space station. The next opportunity to begin that work will be 11:26 am CT / 12:26 pm ET. They are still running ahead of schedule at this point.
Another handoff of the IROSA now that Menon has situated himself. Kutryk is now hands off and is getting his tethers in place at the 3B mod kit. He is starting with his MUT (Multi-Use Tether).

Teams are ready to install the IROSA onto the mounting bracket. They are aligning the plate to make sure that all the bolts can go through properly.

Next, they will push or drill some of the soft capture bolts to make sure the IROSA is in place before proceeding now that it’s on the mounting bracket.
Menon released the final hinge restraint on the IROSA and is now working on the Articulating Foot Restraint.
Stilwell: “Reminder for both of you, the rotating IROSA is a pinch point, so keep clear… You’re about 10 minutes ahead of the timeline.”
The IROSA is now unfolded and is now at its full width of about 20 feet and Menon and Kutryk are now working to secure it to the mounting bracket.

Kutryk continues working on driving bolts to secure the IROSA.
Kutryk has driven in five out of the eight bolts he’s working on at his location. Menon is translating to the crew equipment translation aid cart (CETA cart) to retrieve the portable foot restraint.

All eight bolts that Kutryk was working to dive in are now complete as the ISS flies at an altitude of about 436 km over Rio Gallegos.
Now about 3.5 hours into the spacewalk, Kutryk is inspecting the cabling of the power cables. The space station will need to be in a nighttime pass before they can progress into the cable mating process.

Both Menon and Kutryk are working on the power cables now, using some of the knowledge from Menon’s spacewalk with ESA astronaut Sophie Adenot earlier this year. They were able to get the four cables and caps de-mated.

Now that the ISS is in a nighttime pass, Menon and Kutryk are now working to mate the power cables from the IROSA to the station 3B power channel. They are starting with cables P7 and P9.

A little more than 4 hours into today’s spacewalk. There are about a dozen minutes remaining in this nighttime pass.
Now that all of the power cables have been installed, team are waiting until they are back in a daytime pass of the ISS before unfurling the Redwire Space-built IROSA, which will extend to a full length of about 60 feet.
Teams are progressing towards the IROSA deploy shortly. They are pausing observation work on the electronics control unit (ECU), which Stilwell called a “side adventure,” something that they were able to begin since they’re running ahead of the timeline.
Team on the ground are troubleshooting an issue where they are seeing about half the current expected flowing to the 3B power channel. They will need to wait for another night pass, if they decide further work on those cables is needed.
More than 4.5 hours into the planned 6.5-hour spacewalk. Teams on the ground continue to discuss the power flow issue between the IROSA and the 3B power channel.
Stilwell says Menon and Kutryk will perform some site cleanup. Both tool bags will be left in place for the next nighttime pass. Discussions about the power situation are ongoing.

The Canadarm2 is now in motion back towards Kutryk and Menon with the articulating foot restraint on the end of it.

Stilwell says they are increasing the length of the spacewalk to an estimated seven hours. That allows for time to work on the power issue during the next nighttime pass and then deploy the IROSA during the successive day pass of the ISS.
Now in a nighttime pass, and about 4.5 hours into the spacewalk, teams on the ground have identified the power cable at issue and Kutryk will de-mate the P23-A cable to begin the troubleshooting.
The P23 cable has been de-mated. Kutryk reports “good pins, no FOD (…) inspection is good.”

Teams on the ground are continuing to troubleshoot the power flow issue. Kutryk says the cables he’s observing look good now.
With about 15 minutes remaining until the orbital sunrise, Stilwell informs Kutryk and Menon that they are 5 hours and 41 minutes into the spacewalk, which is now anticipated to last about seven hours.
Kutryk is positioned under the 3B mod kit as orbital daylight begins to wash over the ISS. They are going to deploy the IROSA during this next day pass.
The eighth and final IROSA is now unfurling in front of the legacy arrays. Power now flowing through the cables following the nighttime troubleshooting.

About halfway through the IROSA deployment.
Stilwell says, at the 6 hour 10 minute mark in the spacewalk, the remaining work will take them to about the seven-hour mark. She notes that Kutryk’s suit has about 20 additional minutes of consumables beyond that.
Deployment of the IROSA is complete.
The eighth and final ISS Roll-Out Solar Array (IROSA) has been successfully installed on the space station by @astro_anil and @Astro_Kutryk with support from their colleagues on the ISS and at @NASAJohnson. pic.twitter.com/LXVBjhxj0u
— Spaceflight Now (@SpaceflightNow) November 5, 2026
Kutryk and Menon are making their way back to the hatch as they pass the 6.5-hour mark in the spacewalk.
Menon has the go ahead to proceed into the Quest airlock while Kutryk makes his way back there as well.
Kutryk has the go ahead to ingress into the airlock as well.

The thermal covering is now closing.
Stilwell: “You all showed us what the best of humanity looks like: executing one of the most difficult and dangerous things humans do and making it look easy. Congratulations.”
Stilwell hands over to NASA astronauts Luke Delaney and Jessica Watkins on the other side of the hatch to continue with the re-pressurization procedures.
Pausing at 5 psi
The second and fifth spacewalks from Kutryk and Menon respectively has officially concluded. Three of Menon’s spacewalks have been connected to the IROSAs.
Re-pressurization is ongoing, now past 9 psi
Now 10 psi
Now 12 psi
Here are the latest numbers following the conclusion of today’s spacewalk:

Visual confirmation that the hatch has opened and the gloves and helmets are coming off.

This concludes today’s live coverage of the 286th spacewalk devoted to space station assembly and maintenance.

Spacewalking astronauts Joshua Kutryk and Anil Menon unfurled the last of eight new solar arrays outside the International Space Station Thursday, working through an unexpected power snag to complete a five-year upgrade designed to keep the orbiting laboratory running through its retirement in 2030.
The final International Space Station Roll-Out Solar Array, or IROSA, unrolled at the far starboard end of the station’s main truss at about 3:05 p.m. EST (2005 UTC), roughly six and a half hours into the spacewalk. That came only after flight controllers in Houston spotted lower-than-expected electrical current from the freshly connected array and held the deployment through another trip around the planet so Kutryk could inspect a power connector in the darkness of orbital night.
“Josh, deployment is complete,” Mission Control radioed Kutryk after the previously rolled-up array reached its full length of 63 feet.
According to NASA, the eight IROSAs will raise the station’s available power by up to 30 percent, supporting the outpost through its final years, including what the agency says will be its “safe and controlled deorbit.”
Kutryk, 44, and Menon, 50, switched their spacesuits to battery power at 8:36 a.m. EST (1336 UTC) to begin the 286th spacewalk devoted to station assembly, maintenance and upgrades, and began repressurizing the Quest airlock at 3:35 p.m. EST (2035 UTC), formally ending a 6-hour, 59-minute spacewalk.
It was the ninth spacewalk of 2026 and the sixth by members of the station’s Expedition 75 crew, NASA commentator Joseph Zakrzewski said. It was Menon’s fifth spacewalk, bringing his total time outside to 33 hours and 30 minutes, and the second for Kutryk, a Canadian Space Agency astronaut who logged 14 hours and 10 minutes across his pair of IROSA installation spacewalks.
Kutryk led Thursday’s outing with the call sign ‘EV1’, wearing the red-striped suit, a week after he and Menon installed the seventh IROSA during a seven-hour, 11-minute spacewalk Oct. 29.
The final array was arguably the hardest to reach. Its mounting point on the station’s outermost starboard truss segment sits beyond the reach of Canadarm2, the station’s Canadian-built robotic arm, so the spacewalkers had to close the last stretch by hand.
After Kutryk released the last of the bolts holding the folded array, about 10 feet long and roughly 750 pounds, to the carrier it launched on, Menon locked his boots into a foot restraint at the end of the arm and took it in hand. NASA astronauts Luke Delaney and Jessica Watkins, working with flight controllers, then flew Menon and the array down the truss in a careful series of yaw and roll maneuvers.
At about 10:23 a.m. EST (1523 UTC), Menon handed the array to Kutryk, who was waiting in a foot restraint of his own near the installation site. Menon then climbed off the arm, set up another foot restraint and, about 40 minutes later, took the array back from Kutryk to guide it into place.
“Another handoff complete,” Zakrzewski said as Menon took control of the array during an orbital night pass. Flight controllers said the pair was about 15 minutes ahead of the timeline.

By this point, Menon was on familiar ground. He and NASA astronaut Jessica Meir bolted the triangular mounting bracket for this array, known as a modification kit, onto the old solar wing’s base during an Aug. 6 spacewalk.
After some wiggling and a slight yaw adjustment to line up an alignment guide, the spacewalkers seated the IROSA on the bracket and, about 15 minutes later, swung it open to its full 20-foot width.
The power cables had to wait for darkness. Because the station’s existing solar wing and its cabling are live whenever they’re in sunlight, the crew can only connect the new array’s power cables during the roughly 45 minutes of each 90-minute orbit when the station passes through Earth’s shadow.
The pair finished mating the cables at about 12:36 p.m. EST (1736 UTC), well within the darkness window, but then came the snag. About four and a half hours into the spacewalk, the ground relayed that the new array was delivering only about half the current engineers expected.
Because the cables could only be safely handled again in darkness, flight controllers reshuffled the plan. Kutryk and Menon moved up their cleanup tasks, stowing the foot restraints and the robotic arm hardware, while waiting for the next orbital night. Mission Control told them the extra time would stretch the spacewalk to about seven hours, which their spacesuits could support.

When the station slipped back into Earth’s shadow, Kutryk returned to the worksite, disconnected one of the cable connections, inspected both ends and plugged it back in, confirming it was firmly seated.
“Certainly looks like a good solid mate now,” he said.
After the station returned to daylight, flight controllers reported “good currents” and cleared the crew to deploy the array. NASA did not immediately say what caused the initially low readings.
Kutryk then released the final restraint bolts, and the solar panels began unfurling on their own, driven by strain energy stored in carbon-fiber composite booms. The process took about 10 minutes, Zakrzewski said.
Each IROSA generates about 8 kilowatts of power, Zakrzewski said, compared with 19 kilowatts for each of the station’s original wings when they were new.
Space shuttles delivered those original solar arrays between 2000 and 2009. They were designed to last 15 years, and their output has gradually declined. Rather than replace them, NASA opted to mount the smaller, more efficient roll-out arrays in front of the old wings, partly shading them while the wings’ exposed portions keep producing power.

The first IROSA unrolled in June 2021. Six arrays were in place by June 2023, and NASA ordered the final pair later that summer. Those two arrays launched to the station Oct. 13 atop a Falcon 9 rocket.
Hehn led Thursday’s spacewalk from Mission Control in Houston, alongside Greg Whitney, who led the Oct. 29 outing. NASA astronaut Nichole Stilwell served as spacewalk communicator.
With the power upgrade finished, NASA’s next planned U.S. spacewalks are targeted for early January to upgrade the Alpha Magnetic Spectrometer, a cosmic-ray detector mounted on the station’s truss, Gaurang Patel, operations integration manager for NASA’s Low Earth Orbit Program, said at an Oct. 20 briefing.
After reentering the ISS’ Quest airlock, Kutryk reflected on his second outing in low Earth orbit — one that required some on-the-fly coordination with Mission Control to pull off.
“So impressive to see the team respond and get us to where we needed to be, despite the challenges that we encountered along the way,” Kutryk said, addressing Mission Control. “Like I said last time, you are masters of your craft.”
Menon touted the importance of this final, and successful, IROSA spacewalk.
“Today marks the completion of not just one solar array, but over 15 years of development efforts to deploy eight arrays and provide power that will allow the station to continue to be a staircase to the moon and eventually Mars,” Menon said. “Privilege of a lifetime. I’ll never forget it.”
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I have two kids.
One is 23 and in grad school.
One is 20 and an undergrad.
I am incredibly happy they are no longer students in Capsitrano Unified.
So incredibly happy.
•••
I say this to not take away the joy of the blue tsunami, but to speak truth about my local school district, which somehow hasn’t received the memo that Sonja Shaw is nuts, the Moms For Liberty movement is cratering and nobody is sneaking into the nearby high school library to masturbate over faded photos of Linda Carter.
As we speak, it looks as if a MAGA hard-right majority is going to add at least one—and maybe two—additional culture warriors to the board, possibly leaving the valiant-yet-outgunned Krista Castellanos all alone defending the left flank. And the race that shocks me (like, profoundly shocks me) is the now-inevitable triumph of Linda Shepard, who is boot stomping Ron Ruef in the fight for Trustee Area 7 …
I’ve never met Shepard, but I’ve heard enough to know she’s one of those people who sets aside a book when it includes a cuss; who believes we need to closer monitor teachers and keep a sharp eye on the dreaded trans kids and their homo-neurotic tendencies.
Hell, here’s a little something from her IG feed a day or two back …
•••
So, yeah. Life is imperfect.
But I’m gonna say a few things, and I mean them all:
Props to Lisa Davis, the school board president, for figuring this thing out. I’m actually being sincere. Even though I think Davis is a ruinous, incurious lunatic, she’s also transformed the board into her incurious lunatic image. I mean it—she has played her hand very well and worked the system as a seasoned pro. That does take some political savvy and smarts.
Elections have consequences. Scores of people don’t pay attention to school board elections. They see a familiar name from a sign, and check the box. Or don’t vote at all. So, like, if you’re a Capo parent, and you didn’t head to the polls, and in a few months all the Sandra Boynton books are being pulled because there’s a naked elephant … bruh, don’t look at me. And don’t look at Krista. And don’t look at Lisa Davis or Linda Shepard.
Look in the mirror.
I’m intrigued by Mandy Bourne, also a new member of the board. Mandy is certainly conservative, and she’s the wife of San Juan Capistrano Mayor Troy Bourne (a Republican). But … she actually seems legitimately thoughtful and not easily swayed. I’m not saying she’ll be Malcolm X—but I can’t imagine she places her marbles entirely with Lisa. She’s too smart for that.
Entering the midterms, I was hoping things had gotten sooo bad people would wake up. And, just maybe, that has to happen here. Let’s dig into creationism in school. Let’s add a Christian prayer or two. Let’s tell some gay parents they’re living immorally. Could this be the depths before the rise?
One can always hope.
We need better candidates. I know … I know. It’s unfair and mean and cruel. But if I’m keeping it real, there was a bit of pizzazz and flash lacking on the left. When you live in fairly conservative turf (as we do), you need more than just nice people. It sucks, but it’s true. You need electricity. You need heat. You need people who bring the thunder and lightning.
This all felt sort of … sleepy.
And now, I need to sleep.
•••
PS: Congrats to Linda and Mandy. I’m being sincere. Even if I disagree with what someone stands for, these races are hard and these gigs are thankless. So maybe they’ll surprise me. Even if they don’t, they took the time to run—and they won. Mazel.
And so, one era passes and another begins.
Yesterday, voters flipped control of both chambers of Congress from the Republicans to the Democrats. Votes in some races are still being counted, but NBC News projects that the Democrats will win at least 259 seats in the House of Representatives, far more than the 218 they needed to win a majority.
A Democratic victory in the House had been widely expected, but what would happen in the Senate, which had a bad map for Democrats this cycle, was unclear. There, too, voters were emphatic. Democrats flipped seven seats in the Senate: Iowa, Kansas, Maine, North Carolina, Ohio, South Carolina, and Texas.
The Senate race in Alaska hasn’t yet been called, but Democratic challenger Mary Peltola is currently slightly ahead of Republican incumbent Dan Sullivan there. Even more eye-popping, as of this writing, Democratic Senate candidate Scott Colom is ahead of the Republican incumbent in Mississippi. If he wins, he will be the first Black senator from Mississippi since Reconstruction.
In governors’ races, Democrats flipped Iowa, Georgia, Ohio, Nevada, and Texas. None of the new Democratic governors will be hamstrung by a Republican supermajority in the state legislature. Republicans in Kansas, Iowa, North Carolina, and Ohio either lost or failed to regain supermajorities that could override a governor’s veto.
The topline races don’t tell the whole story. Voters elected Democrats up and down the ballot. In Texas, the most prominent example of this phenomenon, Democratic senatorial candidate James Talarico won by about 12 points. Democratic gubernatorial candidate Gina Hinojosa won by 7 points. Voters flipped two congressional seats in districts Trump won by at least 14 points in 2024. Voters elected a Democratic attorney general and four Democratic supreme court justices, and they flipped control of the lower chamber of the legislature.
Many of the races across the country were not close. Some races flipped by double digits from the margins of 2024. Some flips were as high as 20, 30, or even 40 percent. Observers called the results “seismic” and “jaw-dropping,” not just a blue wave but a “tsunami.”
The 2026 midterm elections marked a revolution in American politics. Election scholar Michael McDonald estimates that about 124.3 million people, or just under 50% of those eligible, turned out to vote. That rate is just under the voting rate in the 2018 midterms, which itself was the highest midterm turnout rate since 1914.
The election came off without anything more than the usual hitches, a tribute to the quiet work of dedicated lawyers and voting rights groups who have been fiercely contesting the administration’s efforts to rig the vote or to stir up opposition to accept the outcome. It was, as organizers had hoped, “too big to rig.” After months of suggesting he would contest the outcome of the election if Democrats won, Trump told New York Times reporters Erica L. Green and Tyler Pager that he would accept the results.
The historic nature of this election cannot be overstated. It is a rejection of Trump, who insisted voters should imagine he was on the ballot. But more than that, it is a rejection of the Republican ideology that has driven American politics since the 1980s: the idea that some people are better than others and have the right to rule.
That ideology took root in American politics in the late 1970s, in response to the nation’s push toward equality for racial minorities and women. The 1965 Voting Rights Act protected the right of Black and Brown Americans to vote, while the introduction of reliable birth control that same year began to permit women to enter the workforce on terms equal to men. It seemed that the equality promised in American democracy was within reach.
But to win election, Richard M. Nixon brought into the Republican Party voters who opposed the expansion of American democracy while Democrats looked to expand their tent. In 1972, even as Nixon won in a landslide, Democrats sent to Congress giants like Barbara Jordan of Texas, the first Black woman elected to Congress from the South and the first woman to deliver a keynote address at a Democratic National Convention.
In 1974, voters infuriated by Watergate flipped 49 House seats and 5 Senate seats from Republican to Democratic and elected 93 new members of Congress, 76 of whom were Democrats. In 1976 they sent Democrat Jimmy Carter to the White House, where he signed legislation that made it illegal to fire women or cut their pay because they were pregnant, expanded contracting rules to boost Black-owned businesses, worked to end racial discrimination in hiring, and created the Department of Education.
Carter’s Republican successor, Ronald Reagan, won election by attacking the modern American state and warning that people like the “Welfare Queen,” a Black woman who abused the welfare system to live large, were taking money from hardworking white people. The government should get out of people’s lives, he said, and he promised to slash taxes and regulations to permit people to accumulate wealth. In turn, he claimed, they would invest in the economy, creating jobs for everyone. Reagan and his allies tied racial and gender inequality to economic prosperity.
That combination worked—more or less—to attract voters until Trump’s second term tore it apart. Trump and appointees like Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth have purged the government of minorities and women and undermined the health and well-being of nonwhite Americans, immigrants, and women. But rather than benefiting regular Americans, those policies have hurt them. And administration leaders have been quite open about their intention of using the government to loot the country for themselves and their cronies.
In their determination to stop Trump and MAGA, Americans came together across the artificial lines that Republicans have exploited for more than a generation to stand against what the nation’s founders would have called tyranny. The rural areas that have made up the backbone of MAGA support joined more Democratic urban areas to elect Democrats. The racial, gender, and cultural divisions Republicans have exploited to stay in power have collapsed in the face of a rising oligarchy.
Even billionaire Elon Musk’s investment of close to half a billion dollars in Republicans in the midterms could not overcome voters’ frustration with a government that works only for the very wealthy. People across the country, organized in No Kings rallies, along overpasses, in webcasts, and in everything from political clubs to knitting communities, have come together to stand against the extraordinary corruption of the Trump regime, to oppose Trump’s rejection of constitutional limits in favor of autocratic power to declare tariffs and start wars, to demand the government address the needs of Americans, and to insist on the rule of law. Yesterday, they voted.
In Georgia, voters elected Keisha Lance Bottoms to be the first Black female governor in the nation. In New Hampshire, voters elected Chris Pappas to be the Senate’s first openly gay member. In Texas, voters elected Gina Hinojosa to be the state’s first Latina governor and the state’s first Democratic governor in more than 30 years. In New Mexico, voters elected former Interior secretary Deb Haaland to be the nation’s first female Indigenous governor. Voters in Minnesota sent Ojibwe Peggy Flanagan to the Senate. In Michigan, voters elected Abdul El-Sayed, the nation's first Muslim senator. Voters in Ohio sent Brian Poindexter, a union ironworker, to the House of Representatives and returned Sherrod Brown, known for his defense of unions, to the Senate.
It is a historic rebuke of the Republican ideology that derailed the movement for equal rights in the 1970s in order to sway the system back toward wealthy white people.
This sea change has some immediate repercussions. By putting Congress under the control of Democrats, last night’s results will mean that it will focus on Americans’ needs and will check Trump and his administration.
Asked if the Democrats would focus on costs or corruption, Senator Rafael Warnock of Georgia told CNN that the Democrats could “walk and chew gum at the same time.” Today Illinois governor J.B. Pritzker, reelected for a third term yesterday with almost 60% of the vote, released a 75-page road map for the congressional majority, asking it to end the war in Iran, raise the minimum wage, pass comprehensive immigration reform, provide universal healthcare and childcare, put guardrails around AI, and codify abortion rights into law.
Just after 10:00 last night, Eastern time, as Democratic victories piled up, the incoming chair of the House Oversight Committee, Robert Garcia of California, had one comment for administration loyalists. On social media, he wrote: “LAWYER UP.”
Senator Ron Wyden (D-OR), who will retake a position as the head of the Senate Finance Committee, posted: “Subpoenas.” Among other things, Wyden has been trying to get financial information about sex abuser Jeffrey Epstein’s circle for years but has been stonewalled by Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent. The Senate Finance Committee reposted Wyden’s comment with the caption: “Let’s f*cking go.”
Senator Chris Coons (D-DE), who will likely retake the top spot at the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, posted on October 28 that he is interested in hearing from Musk about his conversations with Russia’s president Vladimir Putin about satellites. “One more thing to add to the list of questions for Musk when I subpoena him,” Coons posted.
First thing this morning, Republicans set out to try to figure out a way to spin the results. President Trump posted on social media: “I wasn’t on the Ballot and if I was, we would have won IN A LANDSLIDE!” He then posted an image of a red MAGA hat with the word “VETO” on it in huge white letters, a reminder that he is still the president and a threat to veto any legislation the Democratic-dominated Congress passes.
But the election has made him the lamest of lame ducks and has already turned his attention back to his Washington, D.C., development projects. He showed up today at the White House ballroom construction site, where he described his fantasy world in which former President Joe Biden had turned Washington, D.C., into a “killing field” before he, Trump, took office the second time and fixed everything. Mostly, though, he praised his ballroom plans.
Florida governor Ron DeSantis called the election “close to an extinction-level event for Republicans in many parts of the country.” In an evident bid to set himself up to run for president in 2028, he pointed out that Florida remains controlled by Republicans while Texas underwent a Democratic sweep. This is true as far as it goes, but the surge of Angie Nixon and David Jolly in Florida, running for Senate and governor, respectively, was such a surprise that Democrats didn’t invest much in their races, which might have turned out differently if they had.
Vice President J.D. Vance doubled down on the culture wars—including backing the vile ad Republican gubernatorial candidate Vivek Ramaswamy ran against Democrat Amy Acton in Ohio, weaponizing that she was raped as a child—and now is faced with the fact Acton won her election by 8 points. In a long post on social media today, Vance blamed the loss on the Iran war, a clear attempt to throw responsibility for the dramatic losses onto Trump and Hegseth.
Vance insisted that voters did not turn on the Republicans over their immigration policies, despite the poignant images of people putting their “I VOTED” stickers on shrines to Renee Good and Alex Pretti and others murdered by federal agents during immigration enforcement raids. Vance has sold himself to the white Christian nationalism at the heart of MAGA that claims immigrants are destroying “Western culture,” and it appears he will not be giving that up.
But for now, anyway, Americans have moved on.
—
Notes:
https://election.lab.ufl.edu/2026-general-election-turnout/
https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2026/11/04/us/elections/midterms-senate-states.html
https://www.npr.org/2026/11/04/nx-s1-6022216/midterms-democrats-trump-republicans-analysis
https://thehill.com/policy/international/6198389-democrats-foreign-policy-power-congress/
https://www.cnn.com/2026/11/03/politics/house-districts-midterms-trump-vis
https://www.nytimes.com/2026/11/03/us/politics/trump-midterm-election-results.html
https://gov-pritzker-newsroom.prezly.com/gov-pritzker-releases-fighting-for-illinois-day-one-agenda
https://thehill.com/policy/international/6198389-democrats-foreign-policy-power-congress/
https://www.texastribune.org/2026/11/04/texas-democrats-blue-wave/
Trump’s Truth:
Bluesky:
taniel.bsky.social/post/3mzityzmcrs2h
stholeary.bsky.social/post/3mzik3j64tk2s
robertgarcia.house.gov/post/3mzhfgmf5hc2h
wyden.senate.gov/post/3mzhhwwu6lk2i
senatefinance.bsky.social/post/3mzhino2jxc2i
atrupar.com/post/3mzixftmkoc2u
wertwhile.bsky.social/post/3mzipwoflh22j
nashishereforit.bsky.social/post/3mzjn46o7kc25
atrupar.com/post/3mzj24qva6p2u
washingtonpost.com/post/3mzjztk2elx2a
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Links for you. Science:
WHO approves trials for two new Ebola vaccines
A ‘STEM wave’: Democratic doctors, scientists win a record number of seats in the midterms
Famed Iron Age king was actually a woman
HHS Touts New Vaccine-Injury Initiatives — Proposed changes will only undermine confidence in vaccines, health groups say
Centuries-old cemetery helps scientists link climate shocks to Industrial Revolution disease
The Fishing Industry Is Changing Fish at the DNA Level, and Scientists Are Worried About What Comes Next
Other:
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A number of you have written in to ask how the polls ended up doing in the 2026 midterms. I think we know that they underestimated Democratic strength. But how much? How consistently? What I’ve assembled below is just a provisional, back-of-the-envelope read. Others will do this more comprehensively, looking across all polls, comparing them with the final certified results and then adding additional fancy numbers stuff. But I wanted to come up with a provisional read.
I took 12 Senate races that by the widest measure appeared to be contested. I took the final poll average in each from Nate Silver’s Silver Bulletin and I compared them to the current posted results on The New York Times results page. Votes are still being counted, but margins won’t change much. With the poll average and the final result I rounded to the closest whole number before comparing them to find the amount of error or miss.
Here’s what I came up with.
Polls underestimated Democratic strength in all 12 races. The (simple) average underestimation was 4.75 percentage points. The biggest differentials were 9 points each in Georgia, North Carolina and Texas, and the smallest was one point in Kansas.
Ohio Poll Avg: D+3; Result: D+5 D+2
SC Poll Avg: R +1; Result: D+4 D+5
Georgia Poll Avg: D+ 9; Result: D+18 D+9
Iowa Poll Avg: D+1; Result: D+5 D+4
Kansas Poll Avg: D+4; Result: D+5 D+1
Maine Poll Avg: D+4; Result: D+6 D+2
Michigan Poll Avg: D+5; Result: D+8 D+3
NC Poll Avg: D+11; Result: D+20 D+9
Texas Poll Avg: D+3; Result: D+12 D+9
Florida Poll Avg: R+6; Result R+3 D+3
Minnesota Poll Avg: D+6; Result D+10 D+4
NH Poll Avg: D+8; Result D+14 D+6
We have no results yet from Alaska. In Mississippi there were no independent, non-partisan public polls for the whole cycle.
There’s a point of diminishing returns on non-definitive updates on the still outstanding Mississippi Senate race. But I’ve kept looking at the mix of outstanding votes, where they are, historical precedents, etc., and I’m pretty confident that Scott Colom is going to win this race and be the next senator from Mississippi. If it were callable it would be called. And it may take days or even a week to get a final verdict. But I just can’t find any argument that the remaining ballots don’t heavily favor Colom and he’s already up by almost 2,000 votes. (The AP numbers which most sites use are out of date.)
Assuming that is true we’re likely looking at a 56-seat majority for the Democrats — technically 54 seats plus the two independents who caucus with the Democrats, if you want to be picky. That’s not only good news on its own for Democrats. It puts them in a good position to hold the Senate majority through the remainder of this decade.

In this episode, SpaceNews’ Mike Gruss speaks with Winnie Lai, CEO of Auriga Space. They talk about how electromagnetic launch technology that “catapults” small launch vehicles could cut down on […]
The post Building a ‘highway to the moon and back’ with Winnie Lai appeared first on SpaceNews.
So, before the recent election, The Atlantic ran this article about D.C.’s foie gras ban initiative (“Initiative 86”):

At the time, some asshole with a blogBluesky account noted that the referendum wasn’t tearing D.C. apart. The cool thing about political prognostication is that we often can test hypotheses. So how did Initiative 86 do?
It won 73-27, with no precinct having less than 59% approval of the measure. Not divided! The reason I bring this up is that, when you read the article, it spends a lot of time talking to an opponent of the ban, the owner of Butterworth’s. Butterworth’s is a known MAGA hangout (not just Republican, but MAGA). In other words, this was the high end version of a Cletus safari.
Even more ridiculous, the author tries to place this in the context of well-funded referenda from out-of-state, usurping local control. So, yes, this is a dumb issue and a dumb story, but even with such low stakes, it follows familiar political templates.
Brutally torn apart; how will we ever heal?
It’s time to install an app! But here in 1986, we still call them “programs,� not apps. So, you’ll want to set aside some time to get started installing a program.
Since you have a Commodore 64, there are really only two options for getting new programs this month: COMPUTE!’s Gazette and RUN, and you have to hope that one of those magazines isn’t sold out at the book store. So let’s get going.
You will need to ask your mom if you can ride your bike to the mall. The dirt mall is closer, but the magazine stand at the dirt mall doesn’t carry any computer magazines, so you’ll need to take a longer ride to the good mall, where the book store actually has computer magazines. It’s a couple of miles to the mall, so usually you would have a friend come with you, but you called their house and nobody picked up, so today it’s a solo trip.
Only one book store carries computer magazines at this mall; the other one only carries magazines about “serious� topics, but they can order back issues of a magazine for you if you want, you just have to wait a few weeks and they’ll call you when it comes in.
The guy at the book store doesn’t know the difference between the different computer magazines, so you can’t ask him if they have the one you want in stock, and he’s probably not going to answer a kid anyway. So you just have to go through all the titles one by one, and hope nobody put a copy of People or Omni in front of it by accident.
There are no ratings, and no reviews of the programs themselves. The closest thing you get is the magazine’s own reviews of hardware — modems, mostly — and a cover that promises you the issue has the thing you want. This month’s cover has a “Buyer’s Guide To Modems� banner across the top.

Once you’ve got a copy of COMPUTE!’s Gazette and you’re checking out at the store, you can see that it’s three dollars for the magazine (about nine bucks in 2026 money). If you’re lucky enough to have a five dollar bill, you’ll still have two dollars left over after buying the magazine. That means you’ll have enough money to swing by the record store later and grab a 45 of one of the new singles, like Sheila E.’s “A Love Bizarre,� written by Prince, or The Bangles’ “Manic Monday,� written by Prince, or Prince and the Revolution’s “Kiss,� written by Prince.
Now it’s time to race home with the new magazine in hand. You’ll have to wait for everybody to get off of the TV that’s by the computer so you can switch it over to the channel the computer is on and get down to work.
Turn on the switch, and you’re at the blinking blue cursor where it says READY. while the screen is still warming up a bit.
When it comes to installing apps programs, it’s all about options, and this month, we’re spoiled: there are two! They’re both games: Survivor, an arena game where, “if you’re quick of mind, eye, and hand, you might outfox your opponent,� and Shifter. Truly, an embarrassment of riches. Since Survivor is the one on the cover, we’ll go with that one.
(Two or three programs a month is pretty typical. That’s… the app store.)
Getting this program running is standard stuff — you just read the article on page 36 that describes the game, and then flip to pages 106 and 107 where there’s the code for a short BASIC loader, and then continue on to pages 107 and 108, where there are 345 rows of densely-packed listings consisting of 9 hexadecimal character pairs, all of which have to be typed in perfectly with zero errors or else your entire game will refuse to run.
A quick sample of the early part of your task looks like this:

After you’re done typing that page in, you’re about a quarter of the way done, assuming you didn’t make any mistakes.
Wait, what’s that? Where are you supposed to be typing these in? Simply type them into the MLX program where you… wait, what’s that? You don’t have the MLX utility that’s used to type in machine language code for games and programs listed in the magazine?
Oh, don’t worry, you’ll just need to type in the code for that program. There’s an article explaining what MLX is, which you can read really quickly on page 93, and then you’ll find the code for it on page 94. That one’s only 100 lines of code, so it should be easy enough to type in. And of course, you’ll know if you made any mistakes when typing, thanks to the Automatic Proofreader.
Wait, you don’t have the Automatic Proofreader program?
Well, no worries. It’s only another 31 lines of BASIC code, which you can find on page 97. (This one you have to type in perfectly on your own; there’s no proofreader for the proofreader.) Once you do that, you’re all set.

Now, you can just use the program that lets you enter the program to make your program. It should only take about half an hour to type in the code for the Automatic Proofreader, and maybe another hour or two for MLX. Let’s call it two hours total between them.
After that, Survivor is ~30 lines of BASIC plus ~350 lines of hex code, so… maybe six hours? But at least MLX will catch any typos as you go.
Once all of this is complete, be sure to save your work to a floppy disk so you don’t have to type it all in again! If all you have is a cassette deck and you’re saving to tape, it’s going to take probably 10–20 minutes of staring at a blank screen when you save, so set aside some time for that.
In total, it should only take you about 8 hours to have Survivor ready to play, plus however long it takes you to get to the mall, buy a magazine, and come back.
(Click or tap to get started.)
[This is Survivor by Kevin Mykytyn and Mark Tuttle, from COMPUTE!’s Gazette, March 1986, running in the VICE emulator. The game loads and runs on its own, which takes a few seconds.]
Controls: the yellow player uses W/A/S/D to move and F to fire; the cyan player uses the arrow keys to move and Enter to fire.
Someday, rather than typing all of this in, you might be able to use your 300 baud modem to download already-created versions of these games and tools. You could dial a local BBS, if there’s one nearby. If you’re unlucky, the only one you can reach is a long-distance call, and you’ll be paying by the minute for as long as you’re connected. Or you could look for a local dial-up number for the Quantum Link online service (which will eventually evolve into America Online!).
Transfer times can range from tens of minutes to hours, and of course during those calls, you are tying up what’s usually the sole voice phone line for the household. Anyone picking up a phone handset in the house threatens to knock your connection offline, forcing you to start the whole process all over again.
Now that you’ve enjoyed your game of Survivor, there are some fun ways to customize your little computer and give it a personal touch.
Just for context, here’s a to-scale comparison of the screen resolution of your Commodore 64 to the dimensions of an iPhone Duo’s unfolded screen.
You can’t change the wallpaper on your Commodore 64, but you can easily change the background colors for both the center area of the screen and the border. All you have to do is manually assign the proper numeric color code to the correct memory register corresponding to the values of each of those settings.
Memory address 53281 will set the background color for the primary content area, and a color code of 1 sets a nice readable white background, so it only takes a simple POKE 53281,1 command at the prompt, and you’re all set. Similarly, POKE 53280,4 will make the border of the screen a nice bright purple color, and of course there are a full complement of 16 colors to choose from.
Naturally, none of this customization is stored anywhere permanent, and it will all be lost if you turn off your computer or run a program.
I hope you’ve enjoyed this brief overview of how to get one game running on your Commodore 64, and perhaps gained a little appreciation for how things have gotten a bit simpler over the years.
Also, I will be entertaining a motion to return to calling our software “programs� instead of apps once more. Perhaps we could use the term to distinguish the software that’s created by humans actually typing things in, as opposed to the kind that’s merely generated by machines?
Raffi Krikorian, Mozilla’s CTO, joined Tim O’Reilly at our recent AI Codecon to talk about open source AI. Mozilla, of course, is the nonprofit that helped to define the open source revolution back in the late 1990s. Though its Firefox web browser was superseded as the market leader by Google Chrome, it played an essential role, along with Apache and the World Wide Web Consortium, in establishing the open standards of the web and keeping it from being dominated and enclosed by Microsoft, the dominant tech platform of that time. Now, Mozilla is one of the leading voices working to build an open, standards-based AI ecosystem.
Tim has long appreciated Raffi’s thoughtful, human-centered approach to technology. Raffi writes a newsletter called Owners Not Renters, whose message can be summed up by his statement that he doesn’t want a future with seven AGIs. He wants one with seven billion. He wants each of us to have an AI that we can trust with our secrets and that will look out for our interests, not an AI that’s optimized for the business model of its creators. In the early days of the web, we called the browser a user agent for a reason, Raffi said. It was on your side. It let you render pages however you wanted, managed your privacy and your cookies, and did its best to protect you from those who wanted to take advantage of web users. We need the same thing in the age of AI.
Raffi cited a paper in which researchers tested whether AI assistants could be trained to favor a company’s commercial interests over user welfare. In simulated flight-booking requests, 18 of 23 models recommended a more expensive sponsored option over a cheaper one more than half the time. It’s a hypothetical choice that we’ve seen play out time and time again, in industry after industry.
Open source AI is a big part of what it will take to get to Raffi’s vision. But sovereign AI loyal to each individual needs more than open source models alone. Raffi’s list of what has to be built around the model starts with memory, a place where your private data can live. It includes tool calling, so an agent can make a purchase or book a doctor’s appointment for you, the runtime environment where all of that runs, and the rules for how his agent talks to those working on behalf of others. It needs a harness. “That’s where evaluations happen. Guardrails happen, execution loops happen, tool calling happens, memory,” he explained. “All of that stuff is an opportunity, in my mind, of things that open source developers can be building.”
People hear the word “harness” and conclude that we need an open source version of whatever the proprietary labs are building. Tim asked Raffi whether a user-centered harness might do different things than those offered by the big labs. He agreed. The whole point of open source is for people to “scratch their own itch.” The ability to innovate without permission is the heart of the open source promise.
As a result, Mozilla wants to build a starting point. It aims to help the community define what an open memory protocol, a storage protocol, or authenticated tool calling with the right guardrails ought to look like. As Raffi noted, “Once we could define what those open standards look like, then a whole plethora of people can start playing and be interoperable. It’s basically. . .the internet all over again. We can build trillions of dollars of market cap on top of open protocols.”
Ease of use is still lacking, though. Mozilla’s 2026 State of Open Source AI report says open models are now within about 3% of the frontier, yet they don’t make it into production at the same rate as closed models. When Tim asked why, Raffi explained that open source is easy to release but hard to deploy. Developers still have to figure out hosting, provisioning, guardrails, and memory. With OpenAI’s or Anthropic’s API, you just hand over a credit card. What’s missing, he said, is the equivalent of a double-click installer for getting open source AI running inside an organization. But the companies that do the work to adopt open source AI are seeing big savings because open models are already good enough for most use cases. As Raffi put it, “You don’t need a Ferrari to manage your calendar.”
Raffi’s own daily agentic helper is Hermes running on GLM. He expects that Apple, Microsoft, or someone else will make this kind of agent into a consumer product in a couple of years, and that his mom will end up using it. For now, he said, we’re on the wrong part of the innovation curve, where you have to know how to code to get any of this working.
Tim disagreed. The industry goes through periods that are exciting for developers, creators, inventors, and companies trying to invent the future, and then it gets boring and a few big companies dominate it. We’re in the exciting part, he argued, before everything shakes out. As Raffi riffed, this is when we get to formalize what that future should look like.
Tim wasn’t sure that we’ll need a commercially supported version of the kind of “roll your own” agentic rigs now favored by independent developers. After all, neither desktop Linux nor OpenOffice turned out to matter anything like as much as open source developers of the time expected. Instead, open source became the foundation layer for a new generation of web-based applications. It’s hidden way down in the guts of Google, Amazon, Meta, and countless other applications we rely on today.
This is already beginning to happen again with AI. The Mozilla report says that as much as a third of real-world usage is already on open models, although only 4% of model-layer revenue made its way to the open source ecosystem. Tim called the discrepancy a feature rather than a bug, and Raffi agreed that the stat is misleading. As Tim pointed out, many of the most important technologies “create more value than they capture,” and he used Steve Baer’s concept “The Clothesline Paradox,” from a 1975 article in Stewart Brand’s CoEvolution Quarterly, to explain why we’re good at measuring value capture but not so good at measuring value creation.
Baer pointed out that if you put your clothes in the dryer, the energy you use is measured and counted, but if you hang them on the clothesline to be dried by the sun, the energy saved disappears from our accounting. This argument resonated with Tim in the early days of his open source advocacy. As he noted, it’s always bothered him that nobody seemed to recognize that open source software didn’t “win” in the same way as proprietary software. It won by becoming the foundation everyone else builds on.
Raffi’s comment that we’ve made a category error by treating AI as a product fits right in with this line of thinking. If an AI company goes out of business, its product disappears. If it changes its business model, it may yank features you depend on. It’s not just individuals who need sovereign AI. Countries are passing laws about where data can be processed and how it moves in and out, and some of those requirements may not be compatible with the way the big labs plan to monetize their technology. What those countries are asking for is infrastructure. A road outlasts the contractor who built it. Raffi thinks open, downloadable models are the only way to provide long-lasting foundational infrastructure.
According to OpenRouter stats, Chinese models now supply more routed tokens than American ones. Tim asked whether we should worry about that. Raffi said the problem isn’t China but market concentration. The leading open models are from China. The leading closed models are all American. Access to either can be cut off by an executive order. We saw a version of that in June, when Anthropic temporarily suspended access to its Fable models to comply with export controls. It’s a problem that both the leading proprietary models and the leading open-weight models are each concentrated in a single country.
Diversity is one foundation of resilience. Raffi argues, for instance, that hospitals should all download a local model as a backup. None of us would run an important computer without an uninterruptible power supply, so why would a hospital doing triage with AI rely on a single intelligence provider? There are a lot of possible rug pulls. The government could restrict open source or restrict the frontier models. Having a backup plan is a good idea.
Safety is also part of the foundation. During the Q&A, an audience member asked about the recent sandbox escapes at OpenAI and Anthropic. Raffi joked that the best part was watching everyone try to one-up each other with accounts of how powerful and hard to control their models are. But he agreed that guardrails are actually a hard problem. Keeping personally identifiable information from leaking out through an LLM call means looking for much more than Social Security numbers. Eventually we’ll have models defending models, but the foundational frameworks for guardrails aren’t good enough yet. (NVIDIA’s safety platform announcement, released after Raffi and Tim’s conversation, suggests that better guardrails need to be implemented outside the model.)
Tim opened AI Codecon by noting that open and closed systems have always coexisted, and that the idea that one of them will win is a mistake. Closed systems, like Apple’s, Google’s, OpenAI’s, and Anthropic’s, can optimize for ordinary people and deliver value to billions. Open systems are better for innovation and sovereignty, and for pushing technology into new countries and new markets.
Raffi closed the conversation by observing that a well-tuned harness can improve model performance by as much as 20% on some coding tasks. You don’t have to be a machine learning engineer to make a difference at that layer.